Full text of "The magazine of American history with notes and queries"

tfEALOGY

3.005

PUBLIC UBKAKY

FORT WAYNE A ALLEN CO.,, NO.

ALLEN COUNTY PUBLIC LIBRARY

3 1833 01747 7024

GENEALOGY

973.005

M27

1878

v.2

Digitized by the Internet Archive
in 2012

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THE

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A M E

MAG A

ICAJS

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THE

MAGAZINE

AMERICAN HISTORY

WITH

NOTES AND QUERIES

VOL. II

A. S. BARNES & COMPANY

NEW YORK and CHICAGO
1878

Copgrig^ttb, 187S, bg %. %. 'grants £ tfo.

CONTENTS

The Fall of the Alamo, by Capt. R. M. Potter, U. S. A., .... i

Oriskany, by Gen. J. Watts de Peyster, . 22

Remarks on the Portraiture of Washington, by Isaac J. Greenwood, . . 30

The Waltons of New York, by John Austin Stevens, 39

Diary of Joshua Pell Junior, an Officer of the British Army in America,

1776-1777, 43, 107

A New Poland in America, . . . . . . . . . -47

Settlement of Acadia, 49

Notes, Queries and Replies, 52, 116, 185, 247, 300, 363, 439, 493, 561, 626, 694, 751
Proceedings of the New York Historical Society, . 60, 124, 190, 252, 314

Literary Notices, . 62, 125, 191, 253, 315, 375, 446, 505, 570, 637, 701, 761

The Letter of Verrazano, by the Rev. B. F. De Costa, 65

Observations on the Dighton Rock Inscription, by Charles Rail, ... 82
Parkman's French Colonization and Empire in North America, by George

E. Ellis, 86

Charles Carroll of Carrollton, by John C. Carpenter, 101

Letter of Thomas Paine to Citizen Danton, . . . . . . .112

A Remarkable Character, . . . . . . . . . . 114

De Celoron's Expedition to the Ohio in 1749, by O. H. Marshall, . .129

The Four Kings of Canada, by the Hon. John R. Bartlett, . . . . 151

Where are the Remains of Columbus ? by J. Carson Brevoort, . . . 157

Col. Rudolphus Ritzema, by the Rev. William Hall, 163

News from Camp. Letters received by Cornelius Ten Broeck, of Rocky

Hill, New Jersey, from his sons Cornelius and Peter, serving in the

Continental Army, 1 779-1 780, • . 16S

Narrative of Lieut. Luke Matthewman, of the Revolutionary Navy, . 175

The Continental Congress before the Declaration of Independence, by Col.

John Ward, *93

Col. Peter Force, the American Annalist, by Prof. George W. Greene, . .221

Visit of the Mohawks to Fort Penobscot, 1662, 2 35

La Salle's Account of the American Indians, 23K

The Voyage of Verrazano, by the Rev. J). F. De Costa, . . . • -5 7

Autobiography of Philip Van Cortlandt, Brig. Gen. in the Continental Army, 278
Irving's History of New York. A letter from Diedrick Knickerbocker, . 29S
A Month among the Records in London, by the Rev. Charles W. Baird, . 3 21
Early Spanish and Portuguese Coinage in America, by J. ('arson Brevoort, . 33 \
Christopher Colles, the first Projector of Inland Navigation in America, by

John Austin Stevens, . 34°

11 CONTENTS

Record of the Services of Constant Freeman, Captain of Artillery in the

Continental Army,

The Nantucket Indians, described by St. John de Creve-Coeur, .

Books Wanted, 374, 445, 504, 569, 636, 700

New York and the Federal Constitution, by John Austin Stevens,
The Battle of Monmouth, by Gen. J. Watts de Peyster, ...

Schuyler's Faithful Spy ; an incident in the Burgoyne Campaign, by William

L. Stone,

John Berrien Montgomery, Rear Admiral, U. S. Navy, by Theophilus F

Rodenbough, ...........

Letter of Laurence Washington, with Notes, by Ella Bassett Washington,
The Family of Penn, ..........

The Verrazano Map, by the Rev. B. F. De Costa, ....

Champlain's Expedition of 16 15. Reply to Dr. Shea and General Clark, by

O. H. Marshall,

William Livingston, Governor of New Jersey, by John Austin wStevens.
The Siege of Savannah, 1779, as related by Col. John Harris Cruger, .

Letter of a Philadelphia Quaker, 1769,

An old Kinderhook Mansion, by Henry Cruger Van Schaack,

Our National Medals, by Col. T. Bailey Myers,

The Moundbuilders — were they Egyptians, and did they ever occupy the

State of New York, by William L. Stone,

Governor Stuyvesant's Journey to Esopus, 1658, .

Siege of Savannah. General orders of the Count d'Estaing,

Exploration of the Mississippi by Cavelier de la Salle, . . , .

The Texas Revolution. Distinguished Mexicans who took part in the Revo

lution of Texas, by Capt. R. M. Potter, TJ. S. A., .
Description of the Falls of Niagara, 1785, by St. John de Creve-Coeur,
Seven Letters of the American Revolution, ......

Rivers and Peoples discovered by La Salle, 1681-1682,

Washington's Real Estate in 1784,

The Last of the Puritans. The Sewall Diary, by Henry Cabot Lodge,

Beaumarchais' Plan to aid the Colonies, by George Clinton Genet,

The First American Baronet— Sir William Pepperrell, by John Austin

Stevens, ...........

Diary of Ephraim Squier, Sergeant in the Connecticut Line of the Continen

tal Army, ...........

Development of Constitutional Government in the American Colonies, by

Henry Osborn Taylor, .........

Visit of Lafayette to the United States, 1784, by John Austin Stevens,
The Aborigines of the Housatonic Valley, by E. W. B. Canning, .
Journal of Col. Israel Shreve, from Jersey to the Monongahala, 1788, .
New York City in 1772, described by St. John de Creve-Coeur, .

ILLUSTRATIONS

Portrait of William Walton,

Plan of the Alamo,

The Walton House, New York,

Portrait of Verrazano,

Doughoregan Manor House, Howard County, Maryland,
Map of the route of De Celoron's Expedition, .
The Four Kings of Canada, .....

Plan of West Point defences, chain, &c, .

Portrait of Colonel Peter Force, ....

Map of Verrazano, .......

Cortlandt Manor House, Croton, N. Y.,

Portrait of Christopher Colles,

The old Court House, Poughkeepsie, ...

The Verrazano Map, ......

Signature of Verrazano. Extract of map of Terra Baccal
Route of the Champlain expedition, 1615,
Liberty Hall, Residence of Gov. Livingston, N. J., .
Van Schaack Mansion, Kinderhook, ....

Indian Antiquities, .......

Portrait of Sam Houston,

Plans of Communication of lakes Erie and Ontario, .

Portrait of Beaumarchais,

Pepperrell Mansion, Kittery Point, Maine,

Arms of Pepperrell,

Portrait of Lafayette,

Shreve Homestead, Burlington County, N. J., .

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Frontispiece.

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MAGAZINE OF AMERICAN HISTORY

Vol II JANUARY 1878 No. 1

THE FALL OF THE ALAMO

THE fall of the Alamo, and the massacre of its garrison, which in
1836 opened the campaign of Santa Ana in Texas, caused a pro-
found sensation throughout the United States, and is still remem-
bered with deep feeling by all who take an interest in the history of that
section, yet the details of the final assault have never been fully and cor-
rectly narrated, and wild exaggerations have taken their place in popu-
lar legend. The reason will be obvious when it is remembered that not
a single combatant of the last struggle from within the fort survived to
tell the tale, while the official reports of the enemy were neither circum-
stantial nor reliable. When horror is intensified by mystery, the sure
product is romance. A trustworthy account of the assault could be com-
piled only by comparing and combining the verbal narratives of such of
the assailants as could be relied on for veracity, and adding to this such
lights as might be gathered from military documents of that period,
from credible local information, and from any source more to be trusted
than rumor. As I was a resident at Matamoros when the event oc-
curred, and for several months after the invading army retreated thither,
and afterwards resided near the scene of action, I had opportunities
for obtaining the kind of information referred to better perhaps than
have been possessed by any person now living outside of Mexico. I
was often urged to publish what I had gathered on the subject, as
thereby an interesting passage of history might be preserved. I conse-
quently gave to the San Antonio Herald in i860 an imperfect outline of
what is contained in this article, and the communication was soon after
printed in pamphlet form. Subsequently to its appearance, however,
I obtained many additional and interesting details, mostly from Colonel
Juan N. Seguin of San Antonio, who had been an officer of the gar-
rison up to within six days of the assault. His death, of which I have
since heard, no doubt took away the last of those who were soldiers of
the Alamo when it was first invested. I now offer these sheets as a
revision and enlargement of my article of i860.

Before beginning the narrative, however, I must describe the Alamo

2 THE FALL OF THE ALAMO

and its surroundings as they existed in the spring of 1836. San Anto-
nio, then a town of about 7,000 inhabitants, had a Mexican population,
a minority of which was well affected to the cause of Texas, while the
rest were inclined to make the easiest terms they could with which ever
side might be for the time being dominant. The San Antonio River,
which, properly speaking, is a large rivulet, divided the town from the
Alamo, the former on the west side and the latter on the east. The Ala-
mo village, a small suburb of San Antonio, was south of the fort, or Mis-
sion, as it was originally called, which bore the same name. The latter
was an old fabric, built during the first settlement of the vicinity by the
Spaniards, and having been originally designed as a place of safety for
the colonists and their property in case of Indian hostility, with room
sufficient for that purpose, it had neither the strength, compactness nor
dominant points which ought to belong to a regular fortification. The
front of the Alamo Chapel bears date of 1757, but the other works must
have been built earlier. As the whole area contained between two and
three acres, a thousand men would have barely sufficed to man its
defenses ; and before a regular siege train they would soon have crum-
bled. Yoakum, in his history of Texas, is not only astray in his details
of the assault, but mistaken about the measurement of the place. Had
the works covered no more ground than he represents, the result of the
assault might have been different.

From recollection of the locality, as I viewed it in 1841, I could in
i860 trace the extent of the outer walls, which had been demolished
about thirteen years before the latter period. The dimensions here
given are taken from actual measurement then made, and the accom-
panying diagram gives correct outlines, though without aiming at close
exactitude of scale. The figure A in the diagram represents the chapel
of the fort, 75 feet long, 62 wide and 22J high, with walls of solid
masonry, four feet thick. It was originally of but one story, and if it then
had any windows below, they were probably walled up when the place
was prepared for defense. B locates a platform in the east end of the
chapel ; C designates its door, and D marks a wall, 50 feet long and
about 12 high, connecting the chapel with the long barrack, E E. The
latter was a stone house of two stories, 186 feet long, 18 wide and 18
high. F F is a low, one story stone barrack, 114 feet long and 17 wide,
having in the centre a porte cochere, S, which passed through it under the
roof. The walls of these two houses were about thirty inches thick,
and they had flat terrace roofs of beams and plank, covered with a thick
coat of cement. G H I K were flat-roofed stone-walled rooms built

THE FALL OF THE ALAMO 3

against the inside of the west barrier. L L L L L denote barrier walls,
inclosing an area, 154 yards long and 54 wide, with the long barrack
on the east and the low barrack on the south of it. These walls
were 2 J feet thick, and from 9 to 12 high, except the strip which fronted
the chapel, that being only four feet in height. This low piece of wall
was covered by an oblique intrenchment, marked R, and yet to be
described, which ran from the southwest angle of the chapel to the east
end of the low barrack. J/ marks the place of a palisade gate at the west
end of the intrenchment. The small letters (n) locate the doors of the
several rooms which opened upon the large area. Most of those doors
had within a semi-circular parapet for the use of marksmen, composed of
a double curtain of hides, upheld by stakes and filled in with rammed
earth. Some of the rooms were also loopholed. O mark barrier
walls, from 5 to 6 feet high and 2| thick, which inclosed a smaller area
north of the chapel and east of the long barrack. P designates a cattle
yard east of the barrack and south of the small area ; it was inclosed
by a picket fence. Q shows the locality of a battered breach in the
north wall.

The above described fort, if it merited that name was, when the siege
commenced, in the condition for defense in which it had been left by the
Mexican General Cos, when he capitulated in the fall of 1835. The
chapel, except the west end and north projection, had been unroofed,
the east end being occupied by the platform of earth B, 12 feet high, with
a slope for ascension to the west. On its level were mounted three pieces
of cannon. One (1), a 12-pounder, pointed east through an embrazure
roughly notched in the wall ; another (2) was aimed north through a
similar notch, and another (3) fired over the wall to the south. High
scaffolds of wood enabled marksmen to use the top of the roofless wall
as a parapet. The intrenchment (R) consisted of a ditch and breastwork,
the latter of earth packed between two rows of palisades, the outer row
being higher than the earthwork. Behind it and near the gate was a
battery of four guns (456 7), all 4-pounders, pointing south. The parte
coch^re through the low barrack was covered on the outside by a lunette
of stockades and earth, mounted with two guns (8 9). In the southwest
angle of the large area was an 18-pounder (10), in the centre of the west
wall a twelve pound carronade (11), and in the northwest corner of the
same area an 8-pounder (12) and east of this, within the north wall, two
more guns of the same calibre (13 14). All the guns of this area were
mounted on high platforms of stockades and earth, and fired over the
walls. The several barriers were covered on the outside with a ditch,

4 THE FALL OF THE ALAMO

except where such guard was afforded by the irrigating canal which
flowed on the east and west sides of the fort, and served to fill the fosse
with water.

Thus the works were mounted with fourteen guns, which agrees
with Yoakum's account of their number, though Santa Ana in his report
exaggerates it to twenty-one. The number, however, has little bearing
on the merits of the final defense, with which cannon had very little to
do. These guns were in the hands of men unskilled in their use, and
owing to the construction of the works most of them had little width of
range. Of the buildings above described, the chapel and the two bar-
racks are probably still standing. They were repaired and newly
roofed during the Mexican war for the use of the U. S. Quartermaster's
department.

In the winter of 1835-6 Colonel Neill of Texas was in command of
San Antonio, with two companies of volunteers, among whom was a
remnant of New Orleans Greys, who had taken an efficient part in the
siege and capture of the town about a year before. At this time the Provis-
ional Government of Texas, which, though in revolt, had not yet declared
a final separation from Mexico, had broken into a conflicting duality.
The Governor and Council repudiated each other, and each claimed the
obedience which was generally not given to either. Invasion was impend-
ing, and there seemed to be little more than anarchy to meet it. Dur-
ing this state of affairs Lieutenant-Colonel Wm. B. Travis, who had
commanded the scouting service of the late campaign, and had since
been commissioned with the aforesaid rank as an officer of regular
cavalry, was assigned by the Governor to relieve Colonel Neill of the
command of his post. The volunteers, who cared little for either of the
two governments, wished to choose their own leader, and were willing
to accept Travis only as second in command. They were, therefore,
clamorous that Neill should issue an order for the election of a ColoneL
To get over the matter without interfering with Travis' right, he pre-
pared an order for the election of a Lieutenant-Colonel, and was about
to depart, when his men, finding out what he had done, mobbed him, and
threatened his life unless he should comply with their wishes. He felt
constrained to yield, and on the amended order James Bowie was unan-
imously elected a full Colonel. He had been for several years a resident
of Texas, and had taken a prominent part in the late campaign against Cos.
His election occurred early in February, 1836, about two weeks before the
enemy came in sight ; and Travis, who had just arrived or came soon
after, found Bowie in command of the garrison, and claiming by virtue

THE FALL OF THE ALAMO

of the aforesaid election the right to command him and the re-enforce-
ment he brought. They both had their headquarters at the Alamo, where
their men were quartered, and there must have been a tacit understand-
ing on both sides that conflict of authority should as far as possible be
avoided. This, however, could not have continued many days b>ut for
the common bond of approaching peril.

Travis brought with him a company of regular recruits, enlisted for
the half regiment of cavalry which the Provisional Government had
intended to raise. J. N. Seguin, a native of San Antonio, who had been
commissioned as the senior Captain of Travis' corps, joined him at the
Alamo, and brought into the garrison the skeleton of his company, con-
sisting of nine Mexican recruits, natives, some of the town aforesaid
and others of the interior of Mexico. The aforesaid company and
squad of enlisted men and the two companies of volunteers under
Bowie formed the garrison of the Alamo, which then numbered
from an hundred and fifty-six to an hundred and sixty. Of these the
volunteers comprised considerably more than half, and over two thirds
of the whole were men who had but recently arrived in the country.
Seguin and his nine recruits were all that represented the Mexican pop-
ulation of Texas. Of that nine seven fell in the assault, the Captain
and two of his men having been sent out on duty before that crisis.
David Crocket, of Tennessee, who had a few years before represented a
squatter constituency in Congress, where his oratory was distinguished
for hard sense and rough grammar, had joined the garrison a few weeks
before, as had also J. B. Bonham, Esq., of South Carolina, who had
lately come to volunteer in the cause of Texas, and was considered one
of the most chivalrous and estimable of its supporters. I pair them, a
rough gem and a polished jewel, because their names are among the best
known of those who fell; but I am not aware that either of them had
any command.

The main army of operation against Texas moved from Laredo upon
San Antonio in four successive detachments. This was rendered neces-
sary by the scarcity of pasture and water on certain portions of the
route. The lower division, commanded by Brigadier-General Urrea,
moved from Matamoras on Goliad by a route near the coast, and a short
time after the fall of the Alamo achieved the capture and massacre of
Fannius' command.

The advance from Laredo, consisting of the Dragoon Regiment of
Delores and three battalions of infantry, commanded by Santa Ana in
person, arrived at San Antonio on the afternoon of February 22d. No

6 THE FALL OF THE ALAMO

regular scouting service seems to have been kept up from the post of
Bowie and Travis, owing probably to division and weakness of authority,
for though the enemy was expected, his immediate approach was not
known to many of the inhabitants till the advance of his dragoons was
seen descending the slope west of the San Pedro. A guard was kept
in town with a sentinel on the top of the church, yet the surprise of the
population was so nearly complete that one or more American residents
engaged in trade fled to the Alamo, leaving their stores open. The
garrison, however, received more timely notice, and the guard retired
in good order to the fort. The confusion at the Alamo, which for the
time being was great, did not impede a prompt show of resistance.
In the evening, soon after the enemy entered the town, a shot from the
18-pounder of the fort was answered by a shell from the invaders, and
this was followed by a parley, of which different accounts have been
given. According to Santa Ana's official report, after the shell was
thrown, a white flag was sent out by the garrison with an offer to evac-
uate the fort if allowed to retire unmolested and in arms, to which reply
was made that no terms would be admitted short of an unconditional
surrender. Seguin, however, gave me a more reliable version of the
affair. He related that after the firing a parley was sounded and a white
flag raised by the invaders. Travis was not inclined to respond to it,
but Bowie, without consulting him, and much to his displeasure, sent a
flag of truce to demand what the enemy wanted. Their General, with
his usual duplicity, denied having sounded a parley or raised a flag, and
informed the messenger that the garrison could be recognized only as
rebels, and be allowed no other terms than a surrender at discretion.
When informed of this, Travis harangued his men and administered to
them an oath that they would resist to the last.

The officers obtained a supply of corn, and added to their stock of
beef after the enemy entered the town. On the same day a well, which
a fatigue party had been digging within the walls, struck a fine vein of
water. This was fortunate ; for the irrigating canal, which flowed past
the foot of the wall, was shortly after cut off by the enemy. The in-
vestment had not yet commenced, nor was the firing, I think, renewed
that evening, and the few citizens who had taken refuge in the fort suc-
ceeded in leaving it during the night if not earlier.

On the night of the 22d of February the enemy planted two bat-
teries on the west side of the river, one bearing west and the other
southwest from the Alamo, with a range which no houses then obstructed.
They were the next day silenced by the fire of the 18-pounder of

THE FALL OF THE ALAMO j

the fort, but were restored to activity on the following night. On the
24th another body of Mexican troops, a regiment of cavalry and three
battalions of infantry arrived ; and then the fort was invested and a regular
siege commenced, which, counting from that day till the morning of the
6th of March, occupied eleven days. By the 27th seven more besieging
batteries were planted, most of them on the east side of the river, and bear-
ing on the northwest, southwest and south of the fort ; but there were
none on the east. As that was the only direction in which the garrison
would be likely to attempt retreat, Santa Ana wished to leave a temptation
to such flitting, while he prepared to intercept it by forming his cavalry
camp on what is now called the Powder House Hill, east of the Alamo.

During the first feAv days occasional sallies were made by the gar-
rison to obstruct the enemy's movements and burn houses which might
cover them. The operations of the siege, which, omitting the final
assault, are probably given correctly in Yoakum's History of Texas,
consisted of an active but rather ineffective cannonade and bombard-
ment, with occasional skirmishing by day and frequent harrassing alarms
at night, designed to wear out the garrison with want of sleep. No
assault was attempted, though it has been so asserted, till the final storm-
ing took place. The enemy had no siege train, but only light field pieces
and howitzers, yet a breach was opened in the northern barrier, Q, near
the northeast angle, and the chapel was the only building that withstood
the cannonade firmly, as the balls often went clean through the walls of the
others. Yet when I saw them unrepaired five years later, they seemed
less battered than might have been expected.

The stern resistance which had sprung up m the demoralized band
within, and the comparative unity and order which must have come
with it, were ushered in by a scene which promised no such outcome.
The first sight of the enemy created as much confusion with as little
panic at the Alamo as might be expected among men who had known as
little of discipline as they did of fear. Mr. Lewis, of San Antonio, in-
formed me that he took refuge for a few hours in the fort when the
invaders appeared, and the disorder of the post beggared description.
Bowie with a detachment was engaged in breaking open deserted houses
in the neighborhood and gathering corn, while another squad was driv-
ing cattle into the inclosure east of the long barrack. Some of the
volunteers, who had sold their rifles to obtain the means of dissipation,
were clamoring for guns of any kind ; and the rest, though in arms,
appeared to be mostly without orders or a capacity for obedience. No
" army in Flanders " ever swore harder. He saw but one officer who

8 THE FALL OF THE ALAMO

seemed to be at his proper post and perfectly collected. This was an
Irish Captain, named Ward, who though generally an inveterate drunk-
ard, was now sober, and stood quietly by the guns of the south battery
ready to use them. Yet amid the disorder of that hour no one seemed
to think of flight ; the first damaging shock, caused by the sight of the
enemy, must have been cured by the first shell that he threw ; and the
threat conveyed by Santa Ana's message seems to have inspired a greater
amount of discipline than those men had before been thought capable of
possessing. The sobered toper who stood coolly by his guns was the
first pustule which foretold a speedy inoculation of the whole mass
with that qualification.

The conflict of authority between Bowie and Travis, owing probably
to the caution in which neither was deficient, had luckily produced no
serious collision ; and it was perhaps as fortunate that, at about the sec-
ond day of the siege, the rivalry was cut short by a prostrating illness
of the former, when Bowie was stricken by an attack of pneumonia,
which would probably have proved fatal had not its blow been antici-
pated by the sword. This left Travis in undisputed command.

The investment was not too rigid to admit of the successful exit of
couriers by night, and one or two had been sent out, since the enemy
appeared, with letters to Colonel Fannin, at Goliad, asking for aid. On
the 29th of February it was resolved to send an officer, who in addition
to bearing dispatches, might make his own influence and information
available to accomplish the object of his mission. Captain Seguin was
recommended by most of the officers ; for as he was of Spanish race and
language, and well acquainted with the surrounding country, it was
thought that he would be more likely than any one of his rank to succeed in
passing the enemy's lines. Travis wished to retain him in the garrison,
but at a council of war, held on the night of the 29th, he yielded to the
wishes of the majority. That night Seguin and his orderly, Antonio
Cruz Oroche, prepared for the sally. Another of his Mexican recruits,
named Alexandro de la Garza, had already been sent as a courier to the
Provisional Government. Having no horse or equipments for himself,
the Captain requested and obtained those of Bowie, who was already
so ill that he hardly recognized the borrower. To him and the rest
Seguin bade what proved to be a last adieu, and sallying from the postern
on the northern side, took the high road to the east. As might be ex-
pected the rank and file had begun to look with jealousy on any departure
from within, though of but one or two ; and when Seguin produced the
order which was to pass him and his orderly out, the sentinel at the

THE FALL OF THE ALAMO 9

postern began a rude comment; but a few words from the Captain,
intimating that his errand was one which might bring safety, at once
soothed the rough soldier, who bade him God speed.

The road which the two horsemen took passed near the cavalry camp
of the enemy, and where it crossed their lines was stationed a guard of
dragoons, who were then resting, dismounted. Seguin and his man rode
leisurely up towards them, responding in Spanish to the hail of their
sentinel, that they were countrymen. They were doubtless taken for
Mexican rancheros of that neighborhood, and seemed to be riding up to
report, but when near enough for a bold start they dashed past the guard
at full speed. The hurried fire of the troopers was ineffective, and be-
fore they were in the saddle the fugitives, who were both well mounted,
were far ahead. The latter then took to the bush and made good their
escape. The next day Seguin met an officer from Fannin's post, who
informed him that his mission would be wholly unavailing, and advised
him to join the camp then forming at Gonzales, which he did.

On the following night, the 1st of March, a company of thirty-two
men from Gonzales made its way through the enemy's lines, and entered
the Alamo never again to leave it. This must have raised the force to
188 men or thereabout, as none of the original number of 156 had
fallen.

On the night of the 3d of March, Travis sent out another courier with
a letter of that date to the government, which reached its destination. In
that last dispatch he says, " With an hundred and forty-five men I have
held this place ten days against a force variously estimated from 1,500
to 6,000, and I shall continue to hold it till I get relief from my country-
men or I will perish in the attempt. We have had a shower of bombs
and cannon balls continually falling among us the whole time, yet none
•of us have fallen. We have been miraculously preserved." As this was
but two days and three nights before the final assault, it is quite possible
that not a single defender was stricken down till the fort was stormed.
At the first glance it may seem almost farcical that there should be no
more result from so long a fire, which was never sluggish ; but if so, this
was a stage on which farce was soon to end in tragedy, and those two
elements seem strangely mingled through the whole contest. But the
fact above referred to was not really farcical, however singular, and it
serves merely to illustrate the mysterious doctrine of chance. It must
have tended to uphold the determination of men in a situation where
the favor of luck is so apt to be accepted as the shielding of Providence.
Travis, when he said, " we have been miraculously preserved," no doubt

IO THE FALL OF THE ALAMO

expressed a sincere feeling-, in which his companions shared ; for such
fancies are apt to take a strong contagious hold of men who stand day
after day unharmed within a step of death: it is a time when the fierce,,
profane and dissolute often begin for the first time to look upward. It
is worthy of note, that although the readiness of couriers to go out indi-
cates a consciousness that the chance of life was at least as good without
as within, we know not of a single case of night flitting. Brute bravery
or reckless despair would hardly have produced this without some
exceptions. The incident of the sentinel at the postern probably showed
what were prevailing traits — scorn of desertion with readiness for hope.
In many a rough bosom that hope had probably a new and half-compre-
hended faith under it. Though the hope was disappointed, I trust that
the faith was not all in vain.

In stating the force of the garrison during the previous ten days
Travis did not include the little reinforcement which had come in only
two days before; yet, as he mentions but 145, while the garrison is
known to have numbered 156 when the enemy appeared, he must have
rated eleven as ineffective or absent. A part of them may have been
counted out as departed couriers, and the rest had perhaps sunk under
the fatigue of duty. Had there been any wounded he would probably
have referred to them.

On the 4th of March Santa Ana called a council of war, and fixed on
the morning of the 6th for the final assault. The besieging force now
around the Alamo, comprising all the Mexican troops which had yet
arrived, consisted of the two dragoon regiments of Dolores and Tam-
pico, which formed a brigade, commanded by General Andrade, two
companies or batteries of artillery under Colonel Ampudia, and six bat-
talions of infantry, namely, Los Zapadores (engineer troops), Jimenes r
Guerrero, Matamoros, Toluca and Tres Villas. These six battalions ol
foot were to form the storming forces. The order for the attack, which
I have read, but have no copy of, was full and precise in its details, and
was signed by General Amador, as Chief of Staff. The infantry were
directed at a certain hour between midnight and dawn to form at con-
convenient distances from the fort in four columns of attack and a
reserve. These dispositions were not made by battalions, for the light
companies of all were incorporated with the Zapadores to form the
reserve, and other transpositions were made. A certain number of scal-
ing ladders, axes and fascines were to be borne by particular columns.
A commanding officer, with a second to replace him in case of accident,
was named, and a point of attack designated for each column. The

THE FALL OF THE ALAMO II

cavalry were to be stationed at suitable points around the fort to cut off
fugitives. From what I have learned from men engaged in the assault,
it seems that these dispositions were modified before it was carried out
so as to combine the five bodies of infantry, including the reserve, into
only three columns of attack, thus leaving no actual reserve but the
cavalry. The immediate direction of the assault seems to have been
intrusted to General Castrillon, a Spaniard by birth and a brilliant sol-
dier. Santa Ana took his station, with a part of his staff and all the
bands of music, at a battery, about 500 yards south of the Alamo and
near the old bridge, from which post a signal was to be given by a bugle
note for the columns to move simultaneously at double-quick time
against the fort. One, consisting of Los Zapadores, Toluca and the
light companies, and commanded by Castrillon, was to rush through the
breach on the north; another, consisting of the battalion of Jimenes and
other troops, and commanded by General Cos, was to storm the chapel ;
and a third, whose leader I do not recollect, was to scale the west bar-
rier. Cos, who had evacuated San Antonio a year before under capitu-
lation, was assigned to the most difficult point of attack, probably to
give him an opportunity to retrieve his standing. By the timing of the
signal it was calculated that the columns would reach the foot of the
wall just as it should become sufficiently light for good operation.

When the hour came the south guns of the Alamo were answering
the batteries which fronted them, but the music was silent till the blast
of a bugle was followed by the rushing tramp of soldiers. The guns of
the fort opened upon the moving masses, and Santa Ana's bands struck
up the assassin note of degucllo, or no quarter. But a few and not very
effective discharges of cannon from the works could be made before the
enemy were under them, and it was probably not till then that the worn
and wearied garrison was fully mustered. Castrillon's column arrived
first at the foot of the wall, but was not the first to enter. The guns of the
north, where Travis commanded in person, probably raked the breach,
and this or the fire of the riflemen brought the column to a disordered
halt, and Colonel Duque, who commanded the battalion of Toluca, fell
dangerously wounded ; but while this was occurring the column from
the west crossed the barrier on that side by escalade at a point north of
the centre ; and as this checked resistance at the north, Castrillon shortly
after passed the breach. It was probably while the enemy was thus
pouring into the large area that Travis fell at his post, for his body,
with a single shot in the forehead, was found beside the gun at the north-
west angle. The outer walls and batteries, all except one gun, of which

12 THE FALL OF THE ALAMO

I will speak, were now abandoned by the defenders. In the meantime
Cos had again proved unlucky. His column was repulsed from the
chapel, and his troops fell back in disorder behind the old stone stable
and huts that stood south of the southwest angle. There they were
soon rallied and led into the large area by General Amador. I am not
certain as to his point of entrance, but he probably followed the escal-
ade of the column from the west.

This all passed within a few minutes after the bugle sounded. The
garrison when driven from the thinly manned outer defences, whose
early loss was inevitable, took refuge in the buildings before described,
but mainly in the long barrack, and it was not till then, when they
became more concentrated and covered within, that the main struggle
began. They were more concentrated as to space, not as to unity of
command, for there was no communicating between buildings, nor in all
cases between rooms. There was little need of command, however, to
men who had no choice left but to fall where they stood before the
weight of numbers. There was now no retreating from point to point,
and each group of defenders had to fight and die in the den where it
was brought to bay. From the doors, windows and loopholes of the
several rooms around the area the crack of the rifle and the hiss of the
bullet came fierce and fast ; as fast the enemy fell and recoiled in his first
efforts to charge. The gun beside which Travis fell was now turned
against the buildings, as were also some others, and shot after shot was
sent crashing through the doors and barricades of the several rooms.
Each ball was followed by a storm of musketry and a charge, and thus
room after room was carried at the point of the bayonet, when all within
them died fighting to the last. The struggle was made up of a number
of separate and desperate combats, often hand to hand, between squads
of the garrison and bodies of the enemy. The bloodiest spot about the
fort was the long barrack and the ground in front of it, where the enemy
fell in heaps.

Before the action reached this stage, the turning of Travis' gun by
the assailants was briefly imitated by a group of tne defenders. " A
small piece on a high platform," as it was described to me by General
Bradburn, was wheeled by those who manned it against the large area
after the enemy entered it. Some of the Mexican officers thought it
did more execution than any gun which fired outward ; but after two
effective discharges it was silenced, when the last of its cannoneers fell
under a shower of bullets. I cannot locate this gun with certainty, but
it was probably the twelve-pound carronade which fired over the centre

THE FALL OF THE ALAMO 1 3

of the west wall from a high commanding position. The smallness
assigned to it perhaps referred only to its length. According to Mr.
Ruiz, then the Alcalde of San Antonio, who, after the action, was
required to point out the slain leaders to Santa Ana, the body of Crocket
was found in the west battery just referred to, and we may infer that he
either commanded that point or was stationed there as a sharp-shooter.
The common fate overtook Bowie in his bed in one of the rooms of the
low barrack, when he probably had but a few days of life left in him,
yet he had enough remaining, it is said, to shoot down with his pistols
more than one of his assailants ere he was butchered on his couch. If
he had sufficient strength and consciousness left to do it, we may safely
assume that it was done.

The chapel, which was the last point taken, was carried by a coup de
main after the fire of the other buildings was silenced. Once the
enemy in possession of the large area, the guns of the south could be
turned to fire into the door of the church, only from fifty to an hundred
yards off, and that was probably the route of attack. The inmates of
this last stronghold, like the rest, fought to the last, and continued to fire
down from the upper works after the enemy occupied the floor. A
Mexican officer told of seeing one of his soldiers shot in the crown of
the head during this melee. Towards the close of the struggle Lieu-
tenant Dickenson, with his child in his arms, or, as some accounts say,
tied to his back, leaped from the east embrazure of the chapel, and both
were shot in the act. Of those he left behind him, the bayonet soon
gleaned what the bullet had left, and in the upper part of that edifice
the last defender must have fallen. The morning breeze which received
his parting breath probably still fanned his flag above that fabric, for I
doubt not he fell ere it was pulled down by the victors.

The Alamo had fallen ; but the impression it left on the invader
was the forerunner of San Jacinto. It is a fact not often remembered,
that Travis and his band fell under the Mexican Federal flag of 1824,
instead of the Lone Star of Texas, although Independence, unknown to
them, had been declared by the new Convention four days before at
Washington, on the Brazos. They died for a Republic of whose exist-
ence they never knew. The action, according to Santa Ana's report,
lasted thirty minutes. It was certainly short, and possibly no longer
time passed between the moment the enemy entered the breach and that
when resistance died out. The assault was a task which had to be car-
ried out quickly or fail. Some of the incidents which have to be related
separately occurred simultaneously, and all occupied very little time.

14 THE FALL OF THE ALAMO

The account of the assault which Yoakum and others have adopted as
authentic is evidently one which popular tradition has based on conject-
ure. By a rather natural inference it assumes that the inclosing walls,
as in the case of regular forts, were the principal works, and that in
storming these the main conflict took place. The truth was, these
extensive barriers formed in reality nothing more than the outworjks,
speedily lost, while the buildings within constituted the citadel and the
scene of sternest resistance. Yoakum's assertion that Santa Ana, during
the height of the conflict, was under the works, urging on the escalade
in person, is exceedingly fabulous. Castrillon, not Santa Ana, was the
soul of the assault. The latter remained at his south battery, viewing
the operations from the corner of a house which covered him, till he
supposed the place was nearly mastered, when he moved up towards
the Alamo, escorted by his aids and bands of music, but turned back on
being greeted by a few shots from the upper part of the chapel. He
however entered the area towards the close of the scene, and directed
some of the last details of the butchery. It cannot be denied that Santa
Ana in the course of his career showed occasional fits of dashing cour^
age, but he did not select this field for an exhibition of that quality*
About the time the area was entered a few men, cut off from inward
retreat, leaped from the barriers and attempted flight, but were all sabred
or speared by the cavalry except one, who succeeded in hiding himself
under a small bridge of the irrigating ditch. There he was discovered
and reported a few hours after by some laundresses engaged in washing
near the spot. He was executed. Half an hour or more after the
action was over a few men were found concealed in one of the rooms
under some mattrasses. General Houston, in his letter of the nth, says
as many as seven, but I have generally heard them spoken of as only four
or five. The officer to whom the discovery was first reported entreated
Santa Ana to spare their lives ; but he was sternly rebuked, and the men
ordered to be shot, which was done. Owing to the hurried manner in
which the mandate was obeyed, and the confusion prevailing at the
moment, a Mexican soldier was accidentally killed with them. A negro
belonging to Travis, the wife of Lieutenant Dickenson, who at the time
was enceinte, and a few Mexican women with their children, were the only
inmates of the fort whose lives were spared. The massacre involved no
women and but one child. Lieutenant Dickenson commanded the gun
at the east embrazure of the chapel. His family was probably in one
of the small vaulted rooms of the north projection, which will account
for his being able to take his child to the rear of the building when it

THE FALL OF THE ALAMO 1 5

was being stormed. An irrigating canal ran below the embrasure, and
his aim may have been to break the shock of his leap by landing in the
mud of that waterless ditch, and then try to escape, or he may have
thought that so striking an act would plead for his life ; but the shower
of bullets which greeted him told how vain was the hope. The authen-
ticity of this highly dramatic incident has been questioned, but it was
asserted from the first, and was related to me by an eye-witness engaged
in the assault. 1

It was asserted on the authority of one of the women, that while the
church was being stormed, Major Evans, the Master of Ordnance,
rushed with a torch or burning match towards the magazine of the fort
to fire it, when he was shot down before his object was accomplished.
It may seem unlikely that any of the women would be in a position to
witness such an incident, but they may have been put into the magazine
as a place most sheltered from the enemy's shots. The powder was
probably stored in the little vaulted room on the north of the chapel,
which I have just referred to. 2

There were two officers of the name just mentioned in the garrison
of the Alamo, Major Robert Evans, Master of Ordnance, an Irishman,
and Captain J. B. Evans, of Texas, a nephew of General Jacob Brown,
who formerly commanded the United States army.

I must now endeavor to approximate as nearly as can be done by
inference, for I have no direct data, to the number of troops engaged in
the assault and the amount of their loss ; matters which have been the
subject of absurd perversion on both sides. The old popular tale of
Texas that the Alamo was stormed by ten thousand men, of whom a
thousand or more were killed, shows how rapidly legend may grow up
even in this age, and the belief which has been given to it is worthy of
an era when miracles were considered frequent. The entire force with
which Santa Ana invaded Texas in 1836, and which after his defeat he
rated at 6,000 men, probably amounted to 7,500 or 8,500, as it consisted
of seventeen corps, viz.; three regiments of horse and fourteen battal-
ions of foot. It is proper here to observe that the Mexicans apply the
term regiment only to cavalry corps ; a Colonel's command of infantry
being always called a battalion. The nominal complement of a regiment
or battalion is 1,500; but I never heard of one that was full, and seldom
saw one during my long residence in Mexico that contained as much as
a third of that number. I doubt if it is considered convenient ever to
swell one to over 500 men ; for the host of officers who have sufficient
influence to obtain commands can be supplied only by keeping up the

1 6 THE FALL OF THE ALAMO

number of corps at the expense of their fullness. I saw all the corps
composing the said army when it retreated from Texas to Matamoras
after the campaign of 1836, and from the size of those which had not
been in action, as well as from the remaining bulk of those which had
suffered, after allowing for probable loss, I am convinced that their
average strength when they entered Texas was short of 500 men each,
and that the smaller of the two amounts I have assigned to the aggre-
gate is most likely to be true.

This estimate applies especially to the six battalions of infantry
which formed the assaulting force of the Alamo. They may possibly
have numbered 3,000 men, but from the best information and inference
I have been able to gather, I believe that their aggregate did not exceed
and may have fallen short of 2,500. Santa Ana's invariable practice
was to exaggerate his force before an action, by way of threat, and to
underrate it after, whether to excuse defeat or magnify victory ; and in
accordance with this trickery, in his report of the taking of the Alamo,
he sets down his storming force at 1,400, his loss of 60 killed and 300
wounded, and the number of the garrison all told and all killed at 600.
Where the slaughter was wrought by good fire arms in good hands at
close quarters there would hardly be such disparity between the num-
ber of killed and wounded. The probability is that he struck off an
even thousand from the round numbers of the assaulters and a hundred
or two from the number of his killed ; while he made out as big a butch-
ery of rebels as Mexican credulity would swallow. If we correct his
falsification on this assumption, he had in the assault 2,400, and lost in
killed and wounded 460 or 560. Anselmo Borgara, a Mexican, who first
reported the fall of the Alamo to General Houston, at Gonzalez, having
left San Antonio the evening after it occurred, stated that the assaulting
force amounted to 2,300 men, of whom 521 were killed and as many
wounded. He had probably found means of ascertaining with approx-
imate correctness the number of infantry at San Antonio ; but his report
of the loss has evidently acquired its bulk by the process of doubling.
Neither Mexican troops nor any others are apt to take forts with a loss
of more than two-fifths ot their number. He had probably heard of 521
as the total of killed and wounded, and then converted the whole into
the former and supposed an equal amount of the latter. The odd num-
bers attached to the hundreds, and the limits which probability would
assign to a large loss, favor the belief that he had heard the result of an
actual count of the whole deficit. This analysis of falsehood may not be
a very sure way of finding out truth, but it is not without value when it

THE FALL OF THE ALAMO 1 7

has some corroboration. The Mexican officers captured at San Jacinto,
including- Santa Ana's secretary, as I was told by Colonel Seguin, were
generally of the opinion that the loss at the Alamo in killed and wound-
ed was about 500. Some rated it lower and others higher ; and one, but
only one, went as high as 700. The opinions of such enlisted men as I
have conversed with were about the same as those of the officers, rang-
ing from four to six hundred. Nothing is more apt to make an exagger-
ated impression on the casual view than a field of slaughter, and I think
that the higher of the above estimates may be errors of that kind. Gen-
eral Bradburn, who was at the scene of action soon after it occurred,
believed that the eventual loss to the service (killed and disabled for life)
would be 300. This I consider equivalent to 500 killed and wounded ;
and it is my Opinion that the Mexican loss at the Alamo differed little
from that number.

Now if 500 men were bullet stricken by 180 in half an hour or little
more, it was a rapidity of bloodshed which needs no exaggeration, but
it may require strong proofs to save it from the imputation of fiction,
for defenders of better forts than the Alamo seldom slay many times more
than their own number, unless they possess extraordinary means or op-
portunities for destruction. The slaughter was not in this case the car-
nage of unresisted pursuit, like that of San Jacinto, nor the sweeping
havoc of cannon under favorable circumstances, like that of Sandusky.
The main element of defense was the individual valor and skill of men who
had few advantages of fortification, ordnance, discipline or command.
All their deficiencies, which were glaring, serve only to enhance the
merit of individuality, in which no veterans could have excelled them.
It required no ordinary bravery, even in greatly superior numbers, to
overcome a resistance so determined. The Mexican troops displayed
more of it in this assault than they have done on almost any other occa-
sion ; but it must be remembered that better troops than those of Santa
Ana always fail under loss as heavy as romance often assigns to the
assailants of the Alamo.

If we owe to departed heroes the duty of preserving their deeds
from oblivion, we ought to feel as strongly that of defending their mem-
ory against the calumnious effect of false eulogy, which in time might
cause their real achievements to be doubted. 3

Santa Ana, when he marched on Texas, counted on finding a fortified
position at or near San Antonio, but supposed it would beat the Mission
of Concepcion, an old church, two miles below the town. That strong
building, with the aid of obedience and labor, might have been con-

1 8 THE FALL OF THE ALAMO

verted into a tenable fort, not too large to be manned by the garrison of
the Alamo. An assault made there by even a larger force than that
which captured the other fort might have met with a bloody repulse ;
which would have led to the rescue of the garrison and changed the
character of the campaign, which in that event would probably have
been terminated west of the Guadalupe. But such a transfer of gar-
rison and armament was impossible in the state of discipline and com-
mand which the foregoing narrative shows to have existed.

A military lesson, though not a new one, may be derived from the
fall of the Alamo. Among the essential qualities of a soldier we must
consider not only the discipline and subordination that blends him with the
mass in which the word of command moves him, but also the individual
self-reliance and efficiency which may restore the battle even after the
mass is broken. From the lack of the former quality the men of the
Alamo were lost; by their possession of the latter they became in the
last struggle as formidable as veterans, and died gloriously ; and in
a better position they would have been saved by it. Though the latter
quality depends more on nature than the former, it admits of develop-
ment, and the perfection of training neglects neither.

Neither Travis nor Bowie had much of the experience or instruction
of the soldier, and they were the reverse of each other in certain ante-
cedents and outward traits. The latter in his youth had been noted for
daring in bloody personal feuds, and his name has attached to it a charac-
teristic memento in the designation of a homicidal knife, whose pattern
he originated. Travis, though ambitious and not backward in revolu-
tionary movements, had been in civil life habitually cautious in avoiding
broils and personal collisions, so much so that the rougher class of his
cotemporaries took for signs of timidity what I believe merely indicated
a cool temper and guarded deportment. That he was deficient in cour-
age is contradicted, not only by the closing scenes of his life and his
heroic death, but by the testimony of one who had the best opportunity
of judging. Colonel Seguin, who was frequently with him under fire,
not only on the works, but in the early sallies of the siege, was con-
vinced that Travis possessed a high degree of constitutional bravery.

The garrison of the Alamo, in personal character, was made up of
diverse elements, whose relative proportions cannot now be ascertained.
The ruffian, filibuster type, men whose death alone redeemed their
life, of course comprised no small part of it, but with them stood also
those who, like the band from Gonzales, were fighting for near homes,
where their kindred dwelt ; and among the new comers was perhaps an

THE FALL OF THE ALAMO 19

equal number of honorable men, who, like Bonham and Crocket, had an
honest faith and generous zeal in the cause they espoused. There were
probably few among the lowest of that garrison who lacked the redeem-
ing trait of bravery, and among men of that character common danger
is sure to bring out the better qualities in ail who share it. When no
enemy was in sight the bad element showed its numerical strength, but
when peril came over all, the good asserted its power, and the evil in a
measure assimilated to it. It requires no stretch of charity then to
believe that many a rough wight whose highest aspirations had hereto-
fore been for plunder felt a thrill akin to that of the patriot when he
died for a land which he could not yet claim as his own.

Of the details contained in my former brief publication and in this
article, I obtained many from General Bradburn, who arrived at San
Antonio I think two days after the action, and gathered many of its
particulars from officers who were in it, one of whom went over the
ground with him. 4 A few incidents I had through a friend from Gen-
eral Amador. Others I received from three intelligent sergeants, one
of whom, Sergeant Becero, I have already mentioned. They were men
of fair education, and I think truthful witnesses. From men of their
class I could generally get more candid statements as to loss and rela-
tive strength than from commissioned officers. I also gathered some
minor particulars from local tradition of a reliable kind, preserved
among the residents of San Antonio. When some of the details earli-
est learned were acquired I had not seen the locality, and hence I after-
wards had to locate some of the occurrences by inference, which I have
done as carefully as possible. After my publication of i860, as already
mentioned, I obtained some additional information from Colonel Seguin 5
and Mr. Lewis of San Antonio. The former had had better facilities
than any one else in the service of Texas for obtaining and comparing
the statements of Mexican officers captured at San Jacinto. These new
lights enabled me to correct some errors and many omissions in regard
to the fort, its armament and garrison, as well as the siege and assault.

The stranger will naturally inquire where lie the heroes of the
Alamo, and Texas can reply only by a silent blush. A few hours after
the action the bodies of the slaughtered garrison were gathered by the
victors, laid in three heaps, mingled with fuel, and burned, though their
own dead were interred. On the 25th of February, 1837, the bones and
ashes of the defenders were, by order of General Houston, collected as
well as could then be done, for burial by Colonel Seguin, then in com-
mand at San Antonio. The bones were placed in a large coffin, which,

20 THE FALL OF THE ALAMO

together with the gathered ashes, was interred with military honors.
The place of burial was a peach orchard then outside of the Alamo vil-
lage, and a few hundred yards from the fort. When I was last there
in 1 86 1, it was still a large inclosed open lot, though surrounded by the
suburb which had there grown up, but the rude landmarks which had
once pointed out the place of sepulture had long since disappeared.
Diligent search might then have found it, but it is now densely built
over, and its identity is irrecoverably lost. This is too sad for comment.
A small, but finely executed monument, made from the stones of the
Alamo in 1841 by an artist named Nangle, was subsequently purchased
by the State of Texas, and now stands in the vestibule of the Capitol at
Austin ; but neither at the Alamo itself, nor at the forgotten grave of its
defenders, does any legend or device, like the stone of Thermopylae,
remind the passer by of those who died in obedience to the call of their
adopted country.

R. M. POTTER

1 I had for several years in Texas as a servant, one of the Mexican soldiers captured at San
Jacinto, Sergeant Becero, of the Battalion of Matamoros. He was in the assault, and witnessed
Dickenson's leap. He also saw the body of Bowie on his bed, where he had been killed, and wit-
nessed the execution of the few men who were found in concealment after the action was over.
He did not know the names of Bowie or Dickenson, and related the circumstances, not in reply to
inquiries, but in a natural way as recollections in narrating his experience. Many absurd stories
about the admissions made by Mexicans touching the force of the assailants and the amount of
their loss at the Alamo are based on sycophantic statements, drawn by leading questions from pris-
oners of the lower class.

2 In 1 841 the husband of one of the Mexican women who were with the garrison during the
siege and assaults pointed out to me the vaulted room referred to, and observed : " During the fight
and massacre five or six women stood in that room all in a huddle." He was an intelligent man,
but so given to embellishing whatever he related that I did not then rely much on his information ;
but I have since called it to mind in connection with what is above said. This man did not refer
to Evans' attempt, nor did he say that the cell referred to was used for storing powder, but, accord-
ing to my recollection, it was the most fitting place for a magazine which I saw about the Alamo.

3 A brief account of the fall of the Alamo, related in legendary style by Francisco Ruiz, who
lived at San Antonio when the event occurred, was published in the Texas Almanac of i860.
The narrator shows total ignorance of the details of the assault, which he blends with a cannonade
between batteries that went before it, and, if the printer has not blundered for him, imagines
that the storming of the fort began at 3 p. M. on the 6th. This is so contrary to the recollection of
old residents, that it began at dawn, and was soon over, that I think " p. m." must have been
printed in place of A. M. He asserts that after a long attack and repeated repulses, it ended with
the scaling of the outer wall, which formed the final success. He has no knowledge of the speedy
loss of the outward barriers, or of the main conflict inside. He rates the besieging forces at 4,000,
which would be correct if the eight corps, including two of cavalry, numbered 500 each. He sets
down Santa Ana's loss at 1,600, and in a way to imply that this was the number of killed. Now,

THE FALL OF THE ALAMO 21

estimating the force at 4,000, and leaving out 1,000 cavalry for outside service, the storming masses
would consist of 3,000 infantry. If 1,600 were killed, the wounded would cover the remainder,
and the total of assailants as well as of defenders must have gone down. If he means that the
loss was 1,600 killed and wounded, it was heavy enough to render success impossible, and to crip-
ple the army too much for the prompt and active campaigning on which it immediately entered. The
battalion of Toluca he says numbered 800, of whom only 130 men were left alive. If 670 were
killed, the small remainder must have been disabled. The whole corps went to the graveyard and
hospital, yet eight weeks after a part of it was killed and taken at San Jacinto, and a small rem-
nant retreated to Matamoros. So absurd a narrative would not be worth referring to had it not
been quoted in a San Antonio newspaper of i860 as a testimony of an eye-witness conflicting
with my former publication.

4 General Bradburn was a Virginian, who had been in the service of Mexico since the time of
Mina's expedition, in which he held the rank of Lieutenant-Colonel and took a distinguished part.
In 1836, when he was on the retired list of the Mexican army, he was ordered, much against his
wishes, to join Santa Ana in his campaign against Texas. He reported to Santa Ana soon after
the fall of the Alamo, and at his own request was assigned to an unimportant post (Copano land-
ing) where he would not be likely to come into contact with the forces of Texas. Bradburn had
a few years before commanded in Texas, and had come unpleasantly into contact with a revolu-
tionary element which did not then culminate in revolution.

5 Colonel Seguin served gallantly as a Captain under General Houston at San Jacinto, and
subsequently commanded a regiment. His zealous adherence to the cause of Texas throughout
the campaign of 1836, and for some years after, is undoubted ; and his subsequent defection from
that cause may be palliated by the popular harshness, endangering life, to which he became subject,
and which in a maner drove him to a step of which he evidently repented. I have no reason to doubt
the candor and correctness of anything which he related in matters whereon I have cited his
authority. He had no motive to misrepresent anything which was not personal to himself, nor did
he seem to color unduly what was. A man may be a correct narrator in spite of political errors.

ORISKANY

The turning point of the Burgoyne Campaign and of the American
Revolution was the battle of Oriskany on the 6th of August, 1777. It
was also the Thermopylae of America — the self-sacrifice of honest yeo-
men, willing to devote themselves, like Curtii, for the salvation of what
they deemed right and honest. To this immolation of the male popula-
tion of one of the richest original settlements of the State of New York
the Thirteen Colonies owe their eventual success, and if Independence
can be credited to any one action, the date of this is that of Oriskany,
6th August, 1777.

The British Campaign of 1777 was not a single or simple, but a com-
bined operation. To Albany as a common objective tended the advance
of Burgoyne from the north with an army something near 10,000 strong;
the transportation of Howe from the south with 17,000 to 20,000 effect-
ives, soldiers and sailors, and St. Leger from the west with a column of
675 regulars and provincials — whites, and 700 to 900 auxiliaries — Indi-
ans and mixed breeds. To St. Leger in reality the most important part
was assigned. This was the opinion of the British General Clinton and
also of the American Major-General Nathaniel Greene, both excellent
judges of strategy. St. Leger should have had at least two thousand
good white troops, whereas under him was a force, not only the weak-
est in quality and personnel, but the most inadequately supplied with
artillery and material of all kinds.

Burgoyne ascended Champlain, bridged, corduroyed and cleared the
twenty-one miles between this lake and the Hudson, and watered his
horses in this river on the 28th July. About this date St. Leger's
advance appeared before Fort Stanwix, on the site of the present Rorae ;
on the portage between the head waters of the Mohawk, which found
their way into the Atlantic through the Hudson, and the head waters of
the streams which unite with the ocean through the Gulf of St.
Lawrence.

Almost simultaneously the absolutely necessary repairs of Fort Stan-
wix were completed, its magazines filled, its garrison augmented to 950
under Colonel Gansevoort and Lieutenant-Colonels Willet and Mellon,
and the investment initiated by the advanced guard of the British. On
the 3d of August St. Leger was up and the siege proper began. From
Montreal he had ascended the St. Lawrence, crossed Lake Ontario to

ORISKANY

Fort Oswego, progressed up the Onondago River, lengthwise and east-
ward through Oneida Lake, and up Wood Creek, its main feeder. Sixty-
picked marksmen under Major Watts, of Sir John Johnson's Battalion of
Refugees from the Mohawk, known as the " Royal Greens," preceded
St. Leger's march, most beautifully arranged, and cleared the way.

Amid all the mistakes and inexplicable blunders of this campaign,
the greatest was sending " local Brigadier-General" St. Leger with only
675 whites to besiege a regular work, held by 950 good troops, for the
Indians counted as nothing in such an undertaking. Besides this, St.
Leger had only a few light pieces, barely sufficient to harrass, and inef-
ficient to breach or destroy. Still the Burgoyne scare was upon the
colony, and nothing as yet had been done to dissipate it, to restore con-
fidence, or to demonstrate how baseless was the panic.

Justly estimating the importance of relieving Fort Stanwix, Nicholas
Harkheimer, a Major-General of Militia, one of God's nobility, a brave
man, although not much of a soldier, summoned together the males
of the Mohawk Valley capable of bearing arms at Fort Dayton on
the German Flats, now bearing his name, Harkheimer. He had
remained true to the colony, although his own brother, many rela-
tions, connections, and former friends were in the opposite camp.
The militia of the Mohawk rendezvoused at Fort Dayton on the
very day (3d August) that St. Leger actually began the siege of
Fort Stanwix. The evening of the 5th he was at " The Mills," at the
mouth of Oriskany Creek, some 7 to 9 miles from Fort Stanwix, and in
communication with the garrison, which was to make a sortie in com-
bination with his attack. How many men Harkheimer had is a mooted
point. General history estimates -his force at 800. Stedman, a veracious
and unprejudiced historian, says 1,000. It is unquestionable that Hark-
heimer had Indians with him belonging to the Oneida " House " or tribe
of the " Six Nations," but how many is very dubious, although it is per-
fectly certain that they were of little account. This tribe had been de-
tached from the British interest by Schuyler, and while they accom-
plished little for the Americans, they brought down ruin upon themselves
by their defection from their ties of centuries. After the impending
battle the other Five Nations swooped down upon them and cleaned
them out generally.

Early on the morning of the 6th August, Harkheimer got in motion,
and into an altercation with his four Colonels and other subordinates.
He wanted to display some soldierly caution, and send out scouts to
reconnoitre and feel the way through the woods. For this his officers.

24 ORISKANY

with the effrontery of ignorance and the audacity of militiamen, styled
him a " Tory," or a traitor and a " coward." The bickering lasted for
hours, until Harkheimer, worn out with the persistency of the babblers,
gave the order to " march on."

Now comes the question where were his Oneida Indians ? These
traitors to a confederacy of " ages of glory " must have been emascu-
lated by the dread of meeting their brethren whom they had abandoned,
clung close to the main body, and forgot their usual cunning and wood-
craft.

Meanwhile General St. Leger was perfectly well aware that Hark-
heimer was on his way to the assistance of Colonel Gansevoort in Fort
Stanwix, and he determined to set a trap for him. He detached his sec-
ond in command, "local" Major-General, or Colonel, Sir John Johnson
and the latter's immediate lieutenant, Major Stephen Watts, with about
80 white Provincials, or " Rangers " and refugees, or " Royal Greens,"
with Butler and Brant {Thayendanegd) and his Indians. These established
an ambush about two miles west of Oriskany — just such as under de Beau-
geu and Langlade destroyed Braddock in 1755, and again under the same
Langlade, had he been listened to, would have ruined Wolfe by destroy-
ing his forces on the Montmorency, below Quebec, in 1759. Harkheimer
had to cross a deep, crooked ravine, with a marshy bottom and its rivu
let, drained, traversed and spanned by a causeway and bridge of logs.
Sir John completely enveloped this spot with marksmen, leaving an
inlet for the Americans to enter and no outlet by which to escape.
Moreover he placed his best troops — whites — on the road westward, to
bar all access to the fort.

No plans were ever more judicious, either for a battue of game or
ambuscade for troops. Harkheimer's column, without scouts or flankers,
plunged into the ravine and had partially climbed the opposite crest and
attained the plateau, when, with his wagon train huddled together in
the bottom, the environing forest and dense underwood was alive with
enemies and alight with the blaze of muskets and rifles, succeeded by
yells and war whoops, just as the shattering lightning is almost simul-
taneous with the terrifying thunder.

Fortunately for the Americans, Brant or Butler gave the signal to
close in upon them a few moments too soon, so that Harkheimer's rear
guard was shut out of the trap instead of in, and thus had a chance to
fly. They ran, but in many cases were outrun by the Indians, and suf-
fered almost if not as severely as their comrades whom they had aban-
doned. Then a slaughter ensued, such as never has occurred upon this

ORISKANY

continent, and if the Americans had not displayed heroic bravery they
would have been exterminated at once. Most likely they would have
been so eventually, had not Heaven interposed at the crisis and let down
a deluge of rain, which stopped the slaughter, since in the day of flint
locks firing amid torrents of rain was an impossibility. This gave the
Americans a breathing spell and time to recover their senses. Almost
at the first volley Harkheimer was desperately wounded in the leg by a
shot, which likewise killed his horse. He caused his saddle to be placed
at the foot of a beech tree, and there sitting upon it and propped against
the trunk, he lit his pipe, and while quietly smoking continued to give
orders and make dispositions which saved all that escaped. His orders
on this occasion were almost the germ of the best subsequent rifle tac-
tics. He behaved like a perfect hero and perished a martyr to Liberty,
for he died in his own home at Danube, two miles below Little Falls,
ten days afterwards ( 1 6th August), of a bungling amputation and subse-
quent ignorant treatment.

When the shower was about over Sir John Johnson seeing that the
Indians were flinching and giving way, sent back to camp for a small
reinforcement of his " Royal Greens," or else St. Leger sent them to end
the matter more speedily. These, although they disguised themselves
like Mohawk valley militia, were recognized by the Americans as broth-
ers, relatives, connections or neighbors, whom Harkheimer's followers
had driven or assisted in driving into exile and poverty. These loyalists
were certainly coming back to simply regain what they had lost, and
doubtless to punish if victorious. At once to the fury of battle was
added the bitterness of hate, spite ancl mutual vengeance. If the prev-
ious fighting had been murderous, the subsequent was horrible. Fire
arms, as a rule, were thrown aside ; the two forces mingled ; they
grasped each other by the clothes, beards and hair, slashed and stabbed
with their hunting knives and were found dead in pairs, locked in the
embrace of hate and death.

There is no doubt but that Sir John Johnson commanded the British at
Oriskany. One original writer alone has questioned the fact, whereas all
the other historians agree to the contrary. The reports of St. Leger es-
tablishes the fact of his presence and praise his able dispositions for
the fight. Moreover, family tradition and various contemporary pub-
lications corroborate it. His brother-in-law, Major Stephen Watts,
of New York city, almost wounded to death, appears to have been
second in command, certainly of the whites, and in the bloodiest, closest
fighting. The latter, like Harkheimer, lost his leg in this action, but

26 ORISKANY

unlike him, under far more disadvantageous circumstances, preserved
his life. Without attempting to develope the completeness of this fratri-
cidal butchery, curious to relate, Harkheimer's brother was not only a
sort of Quartermaster to St. Leger, but especially charged with the super-
vision of the Indian auxiliaries, who were the cause of the General's death
and the slaughter of so many of their common kinsmen, connections,
friends and neighbors.

All the Revolutionary battles on New York soil were more or less
family collisions, and realized the boast which Shakespeare, in the closing
lines of his tragedy of King John, puts in the mouth of the valiant bas-
tard Faulconbridge ;

" This England [New York] never did (nor never shall),
Lie at the proud foot of a conqueror,
But when it first did help to wound itself.
********

Come the three corners of the world in arms,

And we shall shock them : Nought shall make us rue,

If England [New York] to itself do rest but true."

This fratricidal butchery crazed even the Indians. It overpassed
their own venomous ferocity. They lost their heads, or went mad, like
wild animals at the sight and smell of blood. They came to the conclu-
sion that the white men had lured them into this very hell of fire and
slaughter to exterminate them. The arena of battle became a maelstrom
of bloodshed, and the Indians tomahawked, stabbed and slew friend and
foe alike, and in the wild whirl and cataclysm of passions more power-
ful than their own, suffered a loss which appalled even the fell instincts of
the savage.

As an American, and especially as a Knickerbocker, the historian
cannot but rejoice in the heroism exhibited by the people of his State
and of kindred blood, and the opportunity of demonstrating it ; but as
a chronicler of events there is no evading the concurrent testimony of
facts of Kapp's History of his People — L c, the Dutch and German set-
tlers of the Mohawk Valley, and of St. Leger's Report. All of these
concur in their evidence, direct and circumstantial, that Harkheimer's
little army suffered a disastrous tactical defeat. That this did not
remain a defeat, and. was transmuted into an eventual success, was due
to the common-sense generalship of Harkheimer. According to his plan,
the advance and attack of his column of Mohawk Valley men was to be
a combined movement, based upon or involving a simultaneous sortie
from Fort Stanwix. This sortie was not made in time to save Harkhei-

ORISKANY

mer's life or the lives and serious casualties of and to about a half or
two-thirds of his command. Nothing- absolutely preserved the surviv-
ors of Harkheimer's column but the direct interposition of a beneficent
Providence in letting- down at the crisis the deluging " shower of bless-
ing." When and not till the flood began to abate did Willett take
advantage of the storm to make his sortie and attack that portion of St.
Leger's lines of investment, which had been denuded of their defenders
to cooperate with the Indians in the ambush set for Harkheimer. The
siege works or lines of investment, to apply a serious term to very tri-
fling imitations, were very incomplete. In real military parlance, to
style them lines of investment is humbug. St. Leger's three batteries
mounted the first, three light guns ; the second, four diminutive mortars ;
the third, three more light guns, whereas there were fourteen pieces of
artillery mounted in the fort. The redoubts to cover the British bat-
teries, St. Leger's line of approaches and his encampment, were all on
the north side of the fort. These were occupied by between four hun-
dred and fifty to five hundred regulars and Provincials. Sir John John-
son's works, held by from 130 to 175 Loyalist troops, were to the south-
ward. It was against these last, almost entirely stripped of their
defenders, that Willett made his sortie and attack. St. Leger's works
and those of Sir John Johnson were widely separated and independent
of each other, and the intervening spaces or intervals, to make the cir-
cuit of the investment apparently complete, was held or rather patrolled
by the Indians. These last during the sortie were away assaulting Hark-
heimer. Consequently Willett's sortie, however successful in its results
as to material captured and as a diversion, was utterly devoid of peril.
That he had time to plunder Sir John Johnson's camp and three times
send out wagons, load them and send them back into the post without
the loss of a man, is unanswerable proof that he met with no opposition.
He surprised and captured a small squad of prisoners — five, an officer
(commissioned or non-commissioned) and four privates — and saw a few
dead Indians and whites, but it does not appear whether they had been
killed by the fire from the fort or in the attack. All the merit that
inures to his sortie, militarily considered, is the fact that to save what-
ever material Willett did not have time to remove, Sir John Johnson had
to extricate and hurry back his "Royal Greens " from the battle-ground
of Oriskany, four to five and a half miles away farther to the south-
ward, leaving the completion of the bloody work to the Indians. These,
however, had already got their fill of fighting, and thus it was alone that
the remnants of Harkheimer's column were left in possession of the field,

28 ORISKANY

soaked with their blood and covered with their dead and their wounded.
Therefore, all the glory of Oriskany belongs to the men of the Mohawk
Valley, who, notwithstanding they were completely entrapped, defended
themselves with so much heroism for five or six hours, and displayed so
much cool courage, that they were able to extricate even a remnant from
the slaughter-pit. That Willett captured " five British standards," or
five British stand of colors, cannot be possible ; in fact, to a soldier this
claim seems nonsense. They may have been camp colors or markers. The
regimental colors are not entrusted to detachments from regiments.
The " Royal Greens " may have had a color, a single flag, although this
is doubtful, because at most they constituted a weak battalion. The
colors of the Eighth or King's Regiment of Foot were certainly left at
headquarters, likewise those of the Thirty-fourth. The same remark
applies to the Hanau Chasseurs. As still further incontrovertible proof,
the camp of the Regulars was not attacked. The fact is the Ameri-
can story of Willett's sortie has an atmosphere of myth about it. St.
Leger's report to Burgoyne and likewise to Carleton — the latter the
most circumstantial — in their very straight-forward simplicity of lan-
gauge present the most convincing evidence of truthfulness. St. Leger
writes to Carleton :

" At this time [when Harkheimer drew near] I had not 250 of the King's troops in camp, the
various and extensive operations I was under an absolute necessity of entering into, having
employed the rest ; and therefore [I] could not send above 80 white men, rangers and troops
included, with the whole corps of Indians.

"Sir John Johnson put himself at the head of this party \ * * * *

" In relation to the victory [over Harkheimer] it was equally complete as if the whole had
fallen ; nay, more so, as the 200 who escaped only served to spread the panic wider. But it
was not so with the Indians ; their loss was great. I must be understood, Indian computation,
being only about 30 killed and wounded, and in that number some of their favorite chiefs and
confidential warriors were slain. * * * * * as I suspected the enemy [Wil-
lett] made a sally with 250 ?nen towards Lieut. Bird's post, to facilitate the entrance of the
relieving corps, or bring on a general engagement with every advantage they could wish. * *

" Immediately upon the departure of Captain Hoyes I learned that Lieut. Bird, misled by the
information of a cowardly Indian that Sir John was prest, had quitted his post to march to his
assistance ; I marched the detachment of the King's Regiment in support of Captain Hoyes, by
a road in sight of the garrison, which with executive fire from his party immediately drove the enemy
into the fort without any further advantage than frightening some squaws and pilfering the packs of
the warriors, which they left behind them, "

It was Harkheimer who knocked all the fight out of the Indians, and
it was the desertion of the Indians that rendered St. Leger's expedition
abortive.

What is more, honest reader, remember this fact : St. Leger had
only 675 Regulars and Provincials besides Indians, and ten light guns

ORISKANY

2 9

and diminutive mortars to besiege a fort well supplied, mounting fourteen
guns and garrisoned with 750 at least, and according to most authori-
ties, 950 troops of the New York line, i. e., to a certain degree regulars.

Harkheimer(bear the repetition) had knocked all the fighting out of
the Indians. Nevertheless, St. Leger continued to press the siege with
at most 650 whites against 750 to 950 whites, from the 6th until the 22d
August, and when he broke up and retreated at the news of Arnold's ap-
proach with a force magnified by rumor, it was more on account of the
infamous conduct of the Indians than anything else. All the evidence,
when sifted, justified his remark that the Indians " became more formid-
able than the enemy we had to expect." By enemy he meant Arnold's
column hastening its march against him and the garrison in his immedi-
ate front, and yet neither St Leger nor Burgoyne under-estimated the
American troops — not even the militia.

The gist of all this and the moral of this story concentrates in one
fact : — it was not the defense of Fort Stanwix but the heroism of Hark-
heimer's militia that saved the Mohawk Valley, and constitutes Oriskany
the Thermopylae of the American Revolution, the crisis and turning
point against the British of the Burgoyne campaign, and the " Decisive
Conflict " of America's seven years war for Independence.

J. WATTS de PEYSTER

REMARKS ON THE PORTRAITURE OF WASHINGTON

The following remarks occur in the Home Journal of December 15,
1855 : " In 1789 the first President lost his teeth, and the artificial ones
with which he was furnished answering very imperfectly the purpose
for which they were intended, a marked change occurred in the appear-
ance of his face, more especially in the projection of the under lip,
which forms so distinguishing a feature in the works of Stuart and others
who painted portraits of the great man subsequent to 1789." This im-
puted wholesale loss from which our Pater Patriae was doomed to suffer
within the space of one year, is apt to raise the smile of incredulity, and
the mind reverts to the oft repeated tale of the old Israelite, who dur-
ing the reign of King John, refusing to make known the secret deposit
of his treasure, was doomed to the daily loss of a tooth. Laying aside the
idea of so sudden a deprivation of these useful articles, we may more justly
suppose their loss due to the gradual action of the medical panacea so
freely administered during the past century by the ablest practitioners,
and as Washington was on several occasions confined to his couch
through sickness, it is not to be imagined that he was so fortunate as to
escape the regular treatment.

Suetonius, it is true, informs us in his writings that Nero was obliged
to use the " galericulum," that rude apology for a wig, thus honoring with
his imperial patronage some worthy Huggins or Phalon of imperial
Rome ; but it is seldom the curious investigator turns to the historians'
page to learn the physical defects of the world's great dead — most surely
not so in the case of such a man as Washington. From the private cor-
respondence and the daily journals of the latter, interesting material
bearing on the subject herein undertaken might be gathered, but these
unfortunately have not been within the immediate sphere of the writer's
research.

As late as 1783 the Commander-in-Chief still had at least some teeth
remaining in his head, if we may judge from a letter written by him-
self two months after the cessation of hostilities, and which was published
in the Historical Magazine of August, 1859:

" Private.
" Major Billings, at Poughkeepsy —

Newburg, June 17, 1783.
u Sir : By some mistake or other the Horse was not sent for yesterday — the
Dragoon comes up for him now, & those small Tools which you conceived might

REMARKS ON THE PORTRAITURE OF WASHINGTON 3T

be useful to me — among which I pray you to send me a small file or two ; one of
which to be very thin, so much so as to pass between the Teeth if occasion should
require.,it — another one round.

" Have you been able to satisfie yourself as to the practicability and means of
colouring Sealing Wax ? If so can you bring the Stick I now send you to the
complexion which is wanted? Mrs. Washington sends a lock of both our hair
(inclosed).

" I am, with much regard, Sir, Y'r very Humble Serv't,

" Go. Washington "
" Do not forget the Instrument * * * * to cut * * * "
(Mem. — The letter is here mutilated.)

The gentleman addressed, Major Andrew Billings, of Poughkeepsie,
a son-in-law of James Livingston, and a watchmaker by trade, had taken
an early and active part in the military affairs of Dutchess County ; he
was on terms of intimacy with General Washington, and there is no
reason to doubt that the instruments referred to were made by his own
hand, as he was possessed of remarkable mechanical genius. However
this may be, the letter evidently proves that the attention of Washing-
ton was already anxiously directed towards the preservation of his teeth ;
a few years subsequent, however, and these had almost entirely disap-
peared, though whether during the interim their deficiency was supplied
by any artificial means cannot be said.

Six years thereafter, elected President of the United States, the Gen-
eral left his home at Mount Vernon, and reaching New York on the 23d
of April, 1789, was inaugurated on the 30th. The necessity of rem-
edying in some way the loss to which he had been subjected must have
naturally suggested itself to the mind of the first President at an early
period ; a loss most especially impairing both fluency and clearness of
speech, and which withdrawing from the dignity of his personal appear-
ance would scarcely escape observation in the frequent and fashionable
levees, at which as Chief Magistrate of the nation, his presence would
soon be required. At this time the only native dental practitioner in
the city was Mr. John Greenwood, located at the corner of William and
Beekman streets ; a young man, who having faithfully served his country
throughout the late war, had settled at its close in New York and was
now pursuing the same business as his father was engaged in at Boston.

Washington having employed the services of Mr. Greenwood, the
latter constructed for him a complete dental apparatus, including both
upper and lower jaw. The entire upper portion was carved from a piece
of sea-horse or hippopotamus tusk, advantage being taken as far as pos-

32 REMARKS ON THE PORTRAITURE OF WASHINGTON

sible to increase the effect of the front teeth by preserving- the natural
enamel of the tusk. Into the lower portion, worked out of the same
material, human teeth (their fangs having been cut off) were inserted
and fixed permanently by means of gold pivots. When in use the solid
bars (or gum-work) were thinly coated with flesh-tinted wax, and were
united at their extremities by fine semi-circular spiral springs of gold
wire. Though their movement was like that of a hinge, there was at
the same time a strong lateral action, or outward pressure, exerted
especially upon the lower mandible, tending to thrust it forward in the
mouth. Altogether the apparatus was an uncouth and awkward affair,
though in point of workmanship it will bear close scrutiny even in the
present advanced stage of the profession. One tooth alone (a sinister
bicuspides) was left firm and staunch in the lower jaw of the President,
and this, his last natural tooth, he was indeed loath to part with. To
insure its remaining in the head it became necessary to form a hole or
cavity through the lower ivory mandible that the tooth might pass
through ; and though this, in one sense, as resisting the outward pres-
sure of the false jaw, was an advantage, yet the very action we allude to
must have caused an irritation in the surrounding gum and at times been
very painful. Finally, some six years later, this tooth became so much
loosened that it was removed, and its place, as we learn from the Presi-
dent's own letters, was supplied by an artificial one ; then and not till
then, as there was no longer any barrier to the outward pressure of the
lower jaw, that force was exerted in full upon the under lip, causing it
to project.

Congress adjourned September 29th, 1789, and on the 15th of the
ensuing month the President left New York for a tour through the East-
ern States. Previous to his arrival at Portsmouth, however, it is said
that the breaking down of his carriage, giving a violent shock to his
person, fractured the upper portion of his artificial teeth, 1 which were
immediately sent back to New York for repair, and the remainder of
the journey was performed without them.

On the forenoon of Tuesday, November 3d, Washington being at Ports-
mouth, gave a sitting of two hours to Mr. Christian Gulligher, an artist
from Boston ; judging from an engraving of this portrait, which
appeared in the first volume of the " Proceedings of the Massachusetts
Historical Society," it is evident that the artist was no flatterer. During
this same year two other portraits of the President had been taken ; the
first on Saturday, October 3d, was a miniature painted for Mrs. Wash-
ington by John Ramage, an Irish artist of New York, and which I

REMARKS ON THE PORTRAITURE OF WASHINGTON 33

believe has never been reproduced. The second, for which he gave a
sitting on the afternoon of the same day, was a miniature by the Mar-
chioness de Brienne, sister of the Count de Moustier, the French Minis-
ter. This last portrait, according to Washington's own diary, was a
profile " which she had begun from memory, and which she had made
exceedingly like the original ;" several copies were afterwards taken,
and an engraving having been made from one at Paris, some impressions
were sent to Washington. The Marchioness " also painted on copper,
in medallion form, the profiles of Washington and Lafayette in minia-
ture, within the same circumference, and presented the picture to Wash-
ington. It is now at Arlington House." An engraving of the last in
Lossing's Mount Vernon, presenting no unnatural feature about the
mouth, leaves a pleasanter effect upon the mind than a contemplation of
the more elaborate production of later years.

Washington returned to New York on Friday, November 13th, and
on the 2 1st of the ensuing month gave a sitting of three hours to Edward
Savage, and another on the 6th of January, 1790; this portrait was
painted for Harvard College and still remains there. Though possessing
little reputation, it has been engraved from at times, and more lately by
J. C. Buttre, of New York.

Alas for the greatness of man, that he is still but mortal ! the Presi-
dent, in his daily journal of Sunday, January 17, 1790, writes: "At
home all day — not well," and the next day, " still indisposed with an
aching tooth, and swelled and inflamed gums " — and the casual reader
would think the writer blessed with a mouthful of the useful articles.
Poor, solitary aching tooth !

In November, 1789, Colonel John Trumbull, who had been studying
on the continent with Benjamin West, returned from Paris, and soon
after visited New York. Washington makes the following entry in his
diary of Wednesday, February 10, 1790: " Sat from 9 till 10 o'clock for
Mr. Trumbull to draw my picture in his historical pieces." This was
the equestrian portrait for the battle pieces of Trenton and Princeton.
Other sittings were given on the 12th, 15th, 1 8th, 20th and 27th, and on
Monday, March 1st, writes the President, "exercised on horseback this
afternoon, attended by Mr. John Trumbull, who wanted to see me
mounted." The final sitting was given on the 4th of March. During
the following summer Trumbull executed for the city of New York a
full-length painting of the General, standing erect, dressed in uniform,
with one hand resting on his horse's neck. It now hangs in the Gov-
ernor's room at the City Hall. " This work," observes Tuckerman, after

34 REMARKS ON THE PORTRAITURE OF WASHINGTON

eulogizing it, '* was executed before the loss of his teeth changed the
expression of Washington's mouth.

On the 1 2th of August, 1790, the first Congress of the United States
adjourned, having previously passed an act that the seat of the Federal
Government should be removed to Philadelphia, where it subse-
quently remained located some ten years. As during his tour of the
previous year the President had passed over the State of Rhode Island,
seeing that it had not yet joined the Union, he now made a short voy-
age to Newport, and returning thence set out on the 30th for Mount
Vernon, to spend a few months previous to the next meeting of Con-
gress. It is said that " Washington never saw New York again," a
statement which I believe to be erroneous. The President proceeded
safely in his newly imported English coach, drawn by six horses, as far as
Elizabethtown Point ; just after leaving which place the vehicle, through
careless driving, ran off into a gully and was injured. Dinner was taken
at the seat of Governor Wm. Livingston, near by, and another driver pro-
cured, and on reaching Philadelphia the coach was left for repairs.

Through the summer of 1791 Washington ordered a new set of
teeth from Mr. Greenwood, and sent the old ones on for repair. He
appears to have missed them very much, and was quite anxious lest
neither set should reach him before Congress reopened ; and fearing the
package had miscarried, he dispatched a second letter from Philadel-
phia, dated September 4th, which was delivered to Mr. Greenwood by a
son of Sir James Jay. A few days thereafter he set out for Mount Vernon
with Mrs. Washington to enjoy a few weeks repose, and the articles
were received by him in time for his annual message, which was deliv-
ered October 25th at the Hall, corner of Sixth and Chestnut streets, the
day after the first meeting of the second Congress.

On the afternoon of Tuesday, December 13, 1791, Washington gave a
sitting to Mr. Archibald Robertson, a Scotch artist but recently arrived
in the country. .From the miniature then taken a large picture was
finished in oil towards the close of May, 1792, and sent out to the Earl
of Buchan, for whom it had been executed. Robertson at the same time
painted a miniature of Mrs. Washington, and photographic copies of
the two pictures were presented to the New York Historical Society in
May, 1857, by Mr. T. W. C. Moore. That of Washington possesses few
points of interest, and does not most certainly warrant the following
observation, which occurred soon after in the Historical Magazine: 2
" They were painted before the Father of his Country lost his teeth, and
though devoid of the venerable air which characterizes the ordinary

REMARKS ON THE PORTRAITURE OF WASHINGTON 35

resemblances, the recommendation that elaborate portraits from them be
made may commend them to adoption as the standard likenesses." The
Hon. Edward Everett, in his " Mount Vernon Papers," 3 falls into the
same error, and says " it is evident, on an inspection of this likeness of
Washington, that it was painted before he had begun to w T ear artificial
teeth." Colonel Trumbull, however, in an article which appeared in
the Atla?itic Magazine of 1824, more justly observes: "If we wish to
behold Washington when he began to wane in his latter years, when he
had lost his teeth, but with full vivacity and vigor of eye, looking at the
spectator, we must behold Robertson's portrait of him." A small wood-
cut vignette from this picture was attached to some copies of the " Wash-
ington Diary," published for Mr. J. C. Brevoort by Lossing, and an
engraving was issued in 1866 by Elias Dexter of New York. ? 0^>^ \

Through the year 1792 Trumbull visited Philadelphia, and painted a
full-length portrait of Washington, representing him on the eve of the
battle of Princeton. This the Colonel considered not only the best of
those he ever painted, but of any existing of the Commander-in-Chief in
his heroic and military character. It was purchased subsequently and
presented to Yale College. Executed for the city of Charleston, S. C,
it was deemed by their agent as unacceptable, delineating the great
leader at a younger period of life, and not recalling him to memory as
he had appeared to them so recently in his southern tour. Accordingly
another portrait in civilian dress was finished for the State of South
Carolina. Peale has gone so far as to say Trumbull's Washington
"is a fable." In the course of the same year Guiseppi Cerrachi, an
Italian and pupil of Canova, finished a bust of the first President,
recently in the possession of Gouverneur Kemble, Esq., of Cold Spring,
N. Y. It has been engraved from by Prudhomme and Hall ; the latter,
a profile view, though it shows no projection of the mouth, has a cer-
tain ligidity about that feature not altogether pleasant.

We now pass over an interval of more than ten years, during which
time it appears that Washington was relieved from the long and tedious
sittings which the pencil of the artist demanded. A life-size portrait of
him, however, was painted in 1795 by Adolph A. Wertmiiller, a Swede,
who died some years after at Claymont, Del. This picture is too dark
in color, and has a foreign air, but the features have strong points of
resemblance with those found in Trumbull's portrait, as may be seen on
comparing engravings from the two. G. W. P. Custis almost ignores
this production, stating that he literally knew nothing about it, and yet
he was not absent during that year from the Presidential mansion in
Philadelphia a single day. " If," he continues, " the Wertmiiller was

36 REMARKS ON THE PORTRAITURE OF WASHINGTON

painted about 1795, where is the distinguishing feature in the physiog-
nomy of the Chief of that period — the projection of the under lip?"
One objection to the minor details of this production is the lace shirt
frill, whereas the President always wore his linen ruffles plain. This is
an error also perpetrated by Mile. Coignets, as seen in her small engrav-
ing published at Paris about 1829 in Rignoux's Iconographie Instructive.

In September, 1795, three sittings, from 7 till 10 in the morning, were
accorded to the several members of the Peale family, each of whom
finished a portrait of the President, while at the same time a pencil
sketch was executed by a relative of the family. The painting achieved
by Charles Wilson Peale, the father, is now 4 in the Bryan Collection, New
York, but what has become oi the one resulting from the pencil of his
eldest son, Raphaelle, I cannot say. It was reserved, however, for the
youngest, Rembrandt, to work out and complete subsequently a picture
which, in the minds of many, is acknowledged to be the best likeness of
Washington ever taken. The painting now adorns the hall of the United
States Senate. Of the original, Mr. Peale previous to his death 6 had made
ten copies, and an excellent engraving has been executed by H. B. Hall.

To Gilbert Stuart, an American and pupil of West, Washington gave
sittings upon the same days as he had to Peale, but the artist, not pleased
with the result of his work, destroyed or rubbed it out, as he himself
states. At the earnest solicitation of Mrs. Bingham, he was reluctantly
granted another sitting on the 10th of April, 1796. The painting now
completed was the full-length portrait of Washington, standing erect,
the right hand extended, the other resting upon the hilt of his sword.
It was presented to the Marquis of Lansdowne, and at the sale of his
effects in 1805 was purchased by Samuel Williams, banker, of London,
and subsequently it was owned by a son of John D. Lewis, an American
gentleman, who died some few years since in that city. The first copy
made by Stuart, and executed at the same time as the original, was for
Mr. William Constable, who had been an aide to General Washington ;
it passed afterwards into the possession of his nephew, Henry E. Pierre-
pont, Esq., of Brooklyn Heights, L. I. An excellent engraving has
been made from this head, as also from the Stuart, which was in 1849
owned by T. B. Barclay, Esq., of Liverpool. 6

On condition that when finished the portrait should come into the
possession of Mrs. Washington, a third sitting was subsequently
accorded to Mr. Stuart during the year 1796, but the artist was so well
pleased with his painting that he never completed it, and thus retained it
for his own use. In the Boston Atheneum it still remains in its unfinished
state, the well-known " standard head " of Washington as President.

REMARKS ON THE PORTRAITURE OF WASHINGTON 37

Elaborate criticisms upon the works of Stuart frequently greet our eye,
yet in one point of censure, the mouth, there appears to be a universal-
ity of opinion. Tuckerman says : " The usual objection to Stuart's
Washington is a certain feebleness about the lines of the mouth, which
does not correspond with the distinct outline of the frontal region, the
benign yet resolved eye, and the harmonious dignity of the entire head ;
but this defect was an inevitable result of the loss of teeth, and their
imperfect substitution by a false set." In a copy of the Philadelphia
Bulletin, during the year 1850, we find the following remark: " In
Stuart's portrait the mouth is remarkably firm, tightly closed, and alto-
gether peculiar. It has often been referred to as singularly character-
istic of Washington's iron resolution. Yet the truth is it obtains this
expression from a badly fitting set of teeth. A close observer can see
on scrutinizing the portrait that the mouth looks swelled above the lips,
so that the picture itself, in the eye of a competent critic, corroborates
the tradition." Some have even called the mouth " slightly carica-
tured " Tuckerman, again speaking of the Lansdowne portrait, ob-
serves: "The feature usually exaggerated in poor copies, and the least
agreeable in the original, is the mouth, resulting from the want of sup-
port of those muscles, consequent on the loss of teeth, a defect which
Stuart vainly attempted to remedy by inserting cotton between the jaw
and the lips; and Wilson Peale more permanently, but not less ineffect-
ually, sought to relieve by a set of artificial teeth." As he does not
mention his authority for this last statement, all we can say is that Mr.
C. W. Peale did at one time practice dentistry, a fact which, being
known, may evidently have led the writer into error. As regards the
subject in question, the following letter was received from Mr. Peale's
son, dated " Philadelphia, March 27, 1859: "

"Dear Sir. — In answer to yours of the 22d, Washington sat to me in the
Autumn of 1795 — and at the same time sat to Stuart, having then in his mouth
the Teeth made by your Grandfather in 1790. Not satisfied with this Portrait,
Stuart painted another Portrait in the spring of 1796, when the General had in
his mouth an Ivory Sett made by James Gardette, which caused his mouth to be
changed. Dr. Harris, of Baltimore, showed me one half of your Grandfather's
sett, small and beautifully made, 7 telling me that the other half was in your father's
possession — and I have been told that the rejected sett, made by Gardette, is in
the possession of a Gentleman in Savannah. Respectfully yours,

Rembrandt Peale."
Stuart himself, " when asked once," says his daughter, " for his can-
did opinions of the comparative merits of the various busts and pictures
of Washington, taken at different periods, answered in the most em-

38 REMARKS ON THE PORTRAITURE OF WASHINGTON

phatic manner, ' Houdon's bust came first, and my head of him next.
When I painted him he had just had a set of false teeth inserted, which
accounts for the constrained expression so noticeable about the mouth
and lower part of the face. Houdon's bust (modelled in 1783) does
not suffer from this defect. I wanted him as he looked at that time.' "

George Washington P. Custis, in his " Private Memoirs," has the
following note, " Washington, at the time Stuart painted his portrait
(April 1796) had a set of sea-horse (hippopotamus) ivory teeth. These,
just made, were too large and clumsy, and gave that peculiar appear-
ance to the mouth seen in Stuart's picture. He soon rejected them.
Stuart's mouth is a caricature in a slight degree."

It may here be observed that it was through the winter of 1795-6
that the single natural tooth remaining in Washington's head, and which
had heretofore exerted some resistance to the outward pressure of the
false jaws, became loosened and was removed. 8 Mr. Gardette's setts
were temporarily laid aside and a new dental apparatus was constructed ;
the more accessible services of a gentleman in Philadelphia being em-
ployed, as we have seen.

The last portrait of Washington was a crayon profile, by James
Sharpless, taken at Philadelphia in 1796, probably during the fall of that
year. A copy of this can be seen in Lossing's " Mount Vernon." " For
the exquisite likeness and uncommon truthfulness of expression,"
this has been much admired by members of the Washington family who
remembered the original. The President, however, was himself pain-
fully aware of the great alteration which had taken place in his features,
as is made very manifest in subsequent letters to Mr. Greenwood.
When on the 4th March, 1797, he left the Presidential chair, he may in
very truth be said to have quitted the artist's seat also, for refusing
thereafter all solicitations for further sittings, he ceased to be, as he had
himself expressed it some years before, " so hackneyed to the touches
of the painter's pencil."

ISAAC J. GREENWOOD

1 One of the pieces, with the initials "J. G." and part of the date engraved upon it, was pre-
sented in 1842 to the Baltimore Collection of Dental Surgery through Dr. C. A. Harris.

2 Vol. I, p. 177. 3 No. 9, published in N. Y. Ledger, Feb. 26, 1859T
4 In 1862. 5 Which occurred Thursday morning, Oct. 3, i860, JE 83.

6 Vide Knight's Pictorial History of England, Vol. V.

7 In Washington's last letter to Mr. Greenwood, dated from Mount Vernon, January 6, 1799.
he says: "I shall always prefer your services to that of any other, in the line of your present
profession."

8 During the following winter an order was received by Mr. G. , accompanied by the tooth
alluded to and the original set. The tooth, inclosed in a gold case, and the lower half of the set
were to be seen last year in the Centennial Exposition at Philadelphia.

THE WALTONS OF NEW YORK

The Waltons were foremost among the merchant princes of the
colonial days, a period in which successful trade was the stepping stone
not only to wealth and social distinction, but to political honor and
preferment.

The family is of English origin, and is believed to have come from
the county of Norfolk. Two of the name appear in New York and in
Richmond County, Staten Island, in the seventeenth century, in the lat-
ter part of which William Walton, the first who acquired eminence,
was born. He was admitted a Freeman of the City of New York in
1698, and in the same year is said to have married Mary Santford. He
must be looked upon as the founder of the New York family of this
name. The origin of his fortune was the preference in trade given to
him early in the sixteenth century by the Spaniards of St. Augustine
and the West India Islands. This preference was so exclusive as to
amount to a monopoly, and engaged several vessels, which he not only
built, but sailed himself on profitable trading voyages to the Antilles and
the Spanish Main, where he established factors to superintend and
extend his commercial relations. His shipyards were the most exten-
sive in the city, covering several lots on the river front of Water street.
His residence was in Hanover Square. He died in 1747; his wife sur-
vived him till 1768, when her death is recorded as in the 90th year of
her age.

Captain Walton, by his wife Mary Santford, left two sons, Jacob and
William, both of whom were brought up to commerce, and continued
in partnership to enjoy the exclusive privileges granted by the Spanish
authorities at St. Augustine, and of Cuba and South America. William
followed his father's example, and at times took personal command of
their vessels. As was quite common in their day, they still further
united their interests by matrimonial alliances with the same family.
In 1726 Jacob married Maria, daughter of Gerard Beekman and Mag-
dalen Abeel, and William, Cornelia, daughter of Dr. William Beekman
and Catharine Peter de la Noy. Cornelia was the niece of the lady
married to the elder brother.

Their partnership was broken by the death of Jacob, the elder, in
1749, who left his fortune and his family to the care of William, who
had no children of his own. The business of the family was continued

40 THE WALTONS OF NEW YORK

by the surviving brother, who admitted some of his nephews into the
firm, the name of which was changed to William Walton & Co. The
ine of trade which they had inherited was one of certain profit, and
besides its natural advantages gave them peculiar facilities for the pri-
vateering ventures which were a favorite occupation during the period
of the French wars. Representing large family interests and uni-
versally esteemed for his probity and discretion, Mr. William Walton
was soon looked upon as fitted for political honors, and in 175 1 was
unanimously elected to serve in the place of David Clarkson, deceased,
in the General Assembly for the City and County of New York, a post
to which he was again reelected in 1752, and which he continued to fill
till 1759. In the Assembly he attached himself to the Court party, as it
was called, the party of Lieutenant Governor James DeLancey, and
secured for it also the interest of his cousin William Walton, who sat for
Richmond County. In 1756 he was recommended by Governor Hardy
to the Board of Trade as a suitable person to take a seat in his Majesty's
Council, and the next year received his appointment. He was a con-
stant attendant at the Council Board until his death in 1768.

About the time of his entrance upon his political career, Mr. Walton
began the construction of the extensive mansion which is so famous in
the annals of the city and still remains one of its old landmarks.
This was about the year 1752, as there is incidental mention of it in
1753. It is now known as 326 Pearl street, and is occupied as a tene-
ment-house. Its history is a history of New York movement. It
was the first of a series of efforts made by property owners of the east
side of the city to turn the line of fashionable residence in that direc-
tion. For a time it was successful, and even after 1835 there were hopes
that in spite of the attractions of bright Broadway, with its shops
and bustle, it might be made the " Court end " of the town, but such
hopes are forever vanished. St. George's Square, as the triangle which
faced the building was originally called, has been taken possession of
by the Harpers, and even its name has been changed to Franklin
Square in honor of the great master of the art which these enterprising
publishers so happily direct for the benefit of mankind. What a com-
mentary upon the progress of the century. The old aristocratic " man-
sion," where fashion and power gathered in their pomp and pride, is
now dilapidated and decayed, and none to do it honor, while enterprise
and diligence have reared in its very face a colossal building, whence
instruction and intelligence radiate by a thousand channels over the
length and breadth of the land.

>
-

THE WALTONS OF NEW YORK 4I

The glories of the old house have been too often related to need
recital here. Needless again to tell of the grand illumination which
lighted up its many windows when the gladsome news came that the
Stamp Act was repealed, nor of the festivities when the British officers
returned laurel-crowned from the conquest of Canada. To New York-
ers these are household tales, and every antiquarian is familiar with them,
through the pages of Watson and the sketches of Pintard. Enough if
the reader be informed that the picture of the old house, which accom-
panies these pages, represents the building as it was in its days of pris-
tine glory.

The mansion house passed with the rest of the property of its builder
and owner to his favorite nephew, namesake and heir, William Walton,
who had in the summer of 1757 married Mary, the daughter of Lieuten-
ant-Governor De Lancey. After the death of his uncle, William Walton
continued the business of the family, associating with him his brother
Jacob, under the name of William and Jacob Walton & Company.
Jacob had also connected himself with one of the most wealthy and dis-
tinguished families of the colony by a marriage with Polly, daughter of
Henry Cruger, a successful merchant, a representative of New York to
the General Assembly, and later a member of the King's Council.

William, whose portrait prefaces this sketch, does not appear to have
been disposed to public life. He was, however, a leading spirit among
the merchants, was one of the founders of the Chamber of Commerce,
and became its sixth President in the due line of succession. His sym-
pathies were warmly with his class, and he took active part in the
measures of resistance to the encroachments of the Crown which
brought on the struggle for independence. When the day of trial came,
however, he found himself in a difficult situation. His sympathies seem
to have been with the popular cause, but his family connections were
divided. The De Lanceys were royalists, the Beekmans patriots. At
the outbreak of hostilities he retired to his country residence in New
Jersey. Neutrality, however, was not in good odor. He was forced
to return to the city on the British occupation, and his Jersey estates
were confiscated. It is gratefully remembered of him that he was untir-
ing in his efforts and unsparing of his fortune in the relief of the dis-
tressed American prisoners confined in the city. Mr. William Walton
died in this city in 1796, leaving three sons, who in turn inherited his
estates: William ; James De Lancey ; and Jacob, who entered the British
navy and rose to the rank of Rear Admiral; Ann, a daughter, was
married to Daniel Crommelin Verplanck.

_p THE WALTONS OF NEW YORK

Of the other sons of Jacob Walton and Maria Beekman. Abraham
was a successful brewer, carrying on the Rutgers Brewery ; he married
Grace Williams : Gerard was a successful merchant and an inyeterate
sportsman ; he made disposition by will of his fayorite guns and fishing
tackle. Thomas was also a merchant. Of the daughters. Mary was
married to Lewis Morris. Magdalene to Dayid Johnson, and Catherine
to James Thompson.

The alliances. eyen immediate, of this old New York family are too
numerous for mention in a sketch of this nature, the object of which
has been simply to trace the origin of this historic family, whose name
will eyer remain identified with our metropolis.

JOHN AUSTIN STEVENS

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

DIARY OF JOSHUA PELL, JUNIOR

AN OFFICER OF THE BRITISH ARMY
IN AMERICA I 776-I 777

From the original in the possession of
James L. Onderdonk, Esq.

Embarke'd for America at Cove, and
April, 1776, made the River St. Lawrence
17th May, came to Anchor before Que-
bec 29th. Quebec is a large, populous
Town, the original Inhabitants French,
and still retain the Language, customs
and manners of the Mother Country.

Their religion is Romish, and after the
reduction of Canada by the brave Gen-
eral Wolfe in the year 1759, by an Article
of the Capitulation they were to enjoy
the free exercise of their religion which
they still do. The buildings are after
the manner of the Europeans, and the
walls of the Gentlemen and Merchants
Houses are stone, roofed with wood,
and the houses of the Peasant and poor
Mechanic are all entirely wood, which
makes a mean appearance being seldom
built higher than one story. The Town
has two divisions, the one called the up-
per, and the other the lower Town, the
lower Town forms a half circle round
the foot of the hill upon which the upper
Town stands, having the River St.
Charles and the Island of Orleans on the
N. E. and the River St. Lawrence on the
S. W. ; you ascend the upper Town by a
very steep ascent towards the Bishop's
Palace, which is an old Gothic Building
situate near the Cathedral ; of the Cathe-
dral there is nothing remarkable to relate,
except some few excellent paintings of
Saints, &c, which decorate the altar.

Opposite the Governor's House stands
the College, having several grants of

Lands for its support, and had three hun-
dred students, but on being besieged by
the Rebels in the year 1775 tnev left i r > an <*
by an order of the Governor it was con-
verted into a Barrack for the reception
of soldiers. There is several Convents
and Monastries as is usual in all Roman
Countrys, but not worthy of notice.

The fortifications are in a runious con-
dition which shows the neglect of the
late Governors; when the Rebellious
Americans made their appearance be-
fore it in November 1775 there was but 6
pieces of Cannon mounted on the works,
and those honycomb'd and useless, and
not one Gunner to work them; had the
Rebels had a skillful command'r and the
discipline of the British Troops, they
might have taken the place with 500 men.

1 st June we disembark'd at Quebec
and march'd immediately in quest of the
Rebels; on the Sth in the morning we
received an order from Lieut. Col.
Fraser Immediately to proceed to Trois
Riviere, we arrived about 10 o'clock on
the other side the River; we were there
informed that the Rebels had advanced
that morning about 8 o'clock within a
quarter of a mile of the Town, and that
Colonel Frazer had disembark'd the
Troops (from the ships that had sailed
up the River) in number about 1
and after a smart fire for about an hour
he drove them into the midst of a swamp
in the Woods where many of them were
smother'd. The Generals, Captain
Strangwav's, Captain Ferguson's and
Light Infantry Companys of the 24th
Regiment with two Companys of the
34th Regiment was order'd to keep the
pass of the River, and it happen'd we
had no share of the engagement.

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

The Rebels had about ioo kill'd and
wounded, with about 450 made prisoners;
we had 1 Searjeant of the 31st Regiment
and 3 Rank and File of the 20th kill'd
and 8 of the 626. wounded; the Rebels
consisted chiefly of Irish redemptioners
and Convicts, the most audacious rascals
existing; their Generals that commanded
were Thompson and O'Sullivan, Thomp-
son, Colonel Irwin (another Irish Man)
with about twelve officers of lesser note
were amongst the prisoners. Lieut.
Colonel Fraser commanded the British
troops in the above action and behaved
with the greatest Intrepidity and valour.

The Number of the Rebels 1700 en-
gag'd, Total No. 2500.

13th June ; On the arrival of our
Troops at Sorrell, the Rebels quit it,
they demolish 'd the works, and left two
pieces of Cannon behind them.

20th June our Brigade cross'd the
River to Longuil, a village within view
of Montreal.

23rd June I paid a visit to Montreal.
Montreal is a large populous Town
about 200 miles to the west of Quebec,
it chiefly consists of two streets running
from east to west about one mile long,
the buildings are mostly like those of
Quebec, with this difference only, they
are more regular, which adds greatly to
the appearance of the Town. Three-
fourths of the Inhabitants are French,
the other fourth consists of old soldiers
(settled there since it was conquer'd by
the English) Irish and Scotch, Emigrants.
Everything is very dear, owing to to the
Rebels plundering the inhabitants when
they left the Town; (which they did on
the approach of our Troops). Linen
cloth which is is. 4d. per yard in Ireland

is 2s. 6d. in Montreal, and every other
European Commodity is equally dear in
proportion. Religion here the same as in
Quebec, and the other parts of Canada.
The Fortifications are in bad repair and
very defenceless. There is a college here
well endowed, and has about one hun-
dred and fifty students.

25th June, we march'd to Chamble, (a
Fort on the River Sorrell about forty-
five miles above the Fort of that name)
which the rebels utterly destroy'd, and
abandon'd on our approach.

26th June we march'd to Fort St. John
which is twelve miles above Chamble,
leading towards Lake Champlain. Fort
St. John is situated on the west side of
the River Sorrell, leading to Lake
Champlain, and was considered by the
French, when in their possession, the
great Barrier between Canada and the
British Colonies of Massachusetts Bay,
New York and Pensilvania after the re-
duction of Tyconderoga and Crown
Point.

The Fort consists of two Redoubts —
at a distance of about two hundred
yards from each other, and join'd by a
Pallisade towards the land; the lower Re-
doubt was called the Lower Fort and the
other leading to the Lake was called the
Upper Fort. The walls of the Fort
was Earth, with Embrassures for about
twenty Guns, but how many was mounted
when taken by the Rebels in Nov. '75, I
cannot determine, tho' it made a good
defence, considering the numbers to de-
fend it, which was three Companys of the
7th Regiment, and did not exceed one
hundred and ten Men, and the force of
the Rebels against it was five thousand,
with a good Train of Artillery ; the

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

Rebels entirely destroyed this Fort like-
wise, but Government has ordered it to
be rebuilt, on a fresh Construction, and
will certainly be a strong place; two
hundred and fifty Artificers are employ 'd
in building Arm'd Vessels, Batteaux &c.
After the Sun has began his retreat from
the Tropic of Cancer there is terrible
Thunder and Lightning, with heavy
Rain here, and continues frequent till
near the Autumnal Equinox.

24th July a party consisting a two-
Subaltern officers, twelve Men of the
Light Infantry with a few Indians, and
Canadian Militia, proceeded up the River
toward the Lake; the 25th they fell in
with a detach'd party of the Rebels on
the Lake, about fifty Miles from Crown
point, after firing about six rounds the
Rebels surrender'd. Their party con-
sisted of one Captain, one Lieutenant,
and thirty Men; we had an Indian kill'd
and one man wounded who is since dead;
the Rebels had one Man kill'd and one
wounded, who is since dead. The Cap-
tain who commanded the above party of
Rebels was an Irishman, his Name Wil-
son. On the 16th July a party of the
Rebels consisting of one Lieutenant, and
three privates, under the direction of a
Canadian, came from Crown Point on an
enterprise; it is supposed that they came
thro' our Camp in disguise, for on the
the 25th July as General Gordon was re-
turning from our Camp (where he had
been on a visit) to Laprairie, he was
fired at and wounded by a' Man from a
Tree, who prov'd to be the Lieutenant
of the above party; as we are since in-
formed by one of the party, whom we
have taken prisoner. General Gordon
died of his wounds, 30th July.

10th August we left the Camp at St.
Johns, and proceeded up the River about
fifteen Miles to the Isle aux Noix.

This Isle was well fortified by the
French last war, and had a Boom across
the River in order to stop our entrance
into Canada, after the reduction of Ty-
conderoga and Crown Point. I could
not but notice the Inscription on a Tomb-
stone in this Island, which is as follows ;

" 1^ neath this humble sod

Lie

Captain Adams

Lieutenant Culberson

Two privates of the 6th Pensivania

Reg't.

Not Hirelings

But Patriots

They fell not in battle, but unarmed,
They were basely murdered, and inhu-
manly scalp'd by the barbarous emissa-
ries of the once just, but now abandon'd
Kingdom of Britain.

Epitaph

Sons of America rest in quiet here
Britania blush, Burgoyne let fall a tear
And tremble Europe sons with savage

ease [sic]
Death and Revenge awaits you with dis-
crace."

The above Provincials were scalped by
an advanc'd party of our Indians on the
20th June after they left St. Johns, about
three Miles from this place.

3rd September sixteen arm'd vessels
and four hundred Batteaux, fill'd with
Rebels appear'd off Point au Fer, the
entrance into Lake Champlain from the
Northward.

4 6

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

15th Sept'r in the Evening Lieut. Scott
of the Light Infantry of the 24th Reg't
went up the River to reconoitre the
Rebels, with six Indians only : the 16th
at daybreak, they saw a party of the
Rebels consisting of 18 Men disembark-
ed from a Batteau ; they surprized them
as they were cutting Wood, kill'd 15 on
the spot, the other three escap'd into the
Woods; notwithstanding the Rebels fired
from their arm'd Vessels, they escap'd
unhurt.

26th Sept'r we remov'd to the River
Lacole, seven Miles from the Isle aux
Noix.

5th October our Squadron sail'd from
the River La Cole, same day arrived the
Inflexible, a 20 Gun ship, the largest
then ever known on the Lakes.

6th Oct'r our Corps remov'd to Point
au Fer, twelve miles above La Cole.

10th Oct'r our little squadron sail'd
from Point au Fer toward the upper or
great Lake; about 12 o'clock on the nth
one of our arm'd boats espied their Fleet
at Anchor in the Bay of Belcour. Our
arm'd Boats immediately rush'd in
amongst them and engag'd them without
waiting for orders; the Carlton went to
their assistance, and kept a continual fir-
ing until dark, during which time we de-
stroy'd a schooner called the Royal
Savage, and greatly damaged another;
unluckily for us, the wind chang'd and
hindered the other part of our Squadron
from giving the Carlton any assistance;
had it not thus happen'd, in all probabil-
ity, the Rebels whole fleet would have
been been destroy'd. Our loss consist in
two Arm'd Boats been sunk; about ten
men kill'd and sixteen wounded. The
loss of the Rebels is not positively known.

I do justice to Capt'n Dacres, he be-
have'd like a true British Tar; he was
engaged by five of them together, and
when order'd to join his squadron he
would not, till the General's own Boat
came on Board with positive Orders to
dissist.

The Rebels fleet consisted of sixteen
sail of schooners, sloops and Row Galleys.
The Rebels Anchor' d close under the
Land, and our Indians did them consid-
erable damage with their small arms from
the shore.

13th October — On the appearance of
our Squadron before Crown point, the
Rebels destroy'd the works, and quit it
with precipitation. General Carlton was
on board the Maria during the whole ac-
tion, and the whole behav'd with the
greatest perseverance and magnanimity.

14th Oct'r Embarked on board our
Batteaux at Point au Fer.

17th Oct. arriv'd at Chimney Point
opposite to Crown Point — Lake Cham-
plain is 92 miles long from Point au Fer
in the North to Crown Point in the South,
and is interspers'd with numerous Islands,
some of a large and others of a small ex-
tent. There is no settlement on the
Lake except one till you come within
twenty Miles of Crown Point and then
not numerous. Crown point is a penin-
sula having three points or Capes, the
westernmost point points directly down
the Lake, and was fortified with a large
redoubt, having four Curtains one on
each Angle, the walls are Earth, rais'd to
a great height, which entirely covers the
buildings within; time has almost de-
sroy'd the works, and I believe was never
repair'd since taken from the French.
A Barrack was building when it fell into

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

the hands of the Rebels, which they de-
fac'd as much as their hurry would per-
mit, when they evacuated it.

The second point is almost three hun-
dred yards to the east of the former, and
was fortified with a small redoubt which
time has render'd useless: the third point
which is about the same distance from
the second as the second is from the first,
was fortified by the Rebels in a circular
manner having various Curtains and
Angles with a Battery of five Guns in the
middle rais'd so high as to command the
whole plain before it; they had Huts
built within the works for their officers.,
but they destroy'd both them and works
when they left it.

The Commander in Chief having so
order'd it that we should winter in Can-
ada, we accordingly left Crown Point the
2nd Nov'r.

5th November arriv'd at Point au Fer.

22nd November our Regiment arriv'd
at Winters quarters being canton'd along
the south side of the River St. Lawrence,
from Boucherville 8 miles along its Banks
to the Eastward.

A NEW POLAND IN AMERICA

Although the Prince Mostowski, Pala-
tine and General of the Duchy of Mazo-
vie, Chief and Proprietor of the Noble
Polish Guard, Cavalry, Lieutenant Gen-
eral of the Arms of the Crown of Poland
and Knight of the Order of the White
Eagle, &c, is not yet absolutely sure of the
enterprise which he is resolved to carry
into execution for the glory and liberty
of the very illustrious Colonies and al-
though such assurance still depend upon
the train of events, nevertheless he pays no

regard to these reflections; A Citizen of
a Free Republic and a Senator of the
first rank (which is more in Poland than
Duke and Peer in France,) he glories that
the very illustrious Colonies in various
other Countries should deliver them-
selves from the despotism which crushes
them, and he hopes to see them enjoy
the sweets of a liberty similar to that
which reigns in his Country (according
to the system of an ancient Great English
Republican, the famous Algernon Sid-
ney).

The Prince careless of the uncertainty
to which he exposes himself is resolved
to take the risk, led only by zeal and
attachment in his intention of giving
evident proofs of his sincere devotion to
the very illustrious Colonies who are
fighting so gloriously to recover their lib-
erty.

The Prince is disposed to aid them in
this heroic war, supplying them with
that which they will find most useful
and advantageous in their present cir-
cumstances. This is a Balm with which
the wounded soldiers can radically cure
themselves at once in the course of
six or seven days; without the aid of
surgery and in this short space of time be
ready to take up arms and return to the
combat.

The Prince who is Lieutenant General
of the armies of the Republic of Poland,
where he has his regiments, has had the
good fortune to find a Physician who
possesses the admirable secret of making
this Balm so precious for all wounded and
particularly for soldiers in war time : By
reason of the interest the Prince takes
in the welfare of the very illustrious Col-
onies he has determined to purchase from

4 8

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

the aforesaid Physician to the amount of
50,000 lbs. of this Balm and he offers to
send it to the honorable Congress.

But he nevertheless hopes that in ac-
knowledgement of the useful and impor-
tant service which he desires to render to
Congress in its present need, the honor-
able Congress will grant him in Florida,
Carolina, or Virginia a Principality and
a County under the name of Mostow
with a seaport in one or the other and
that this concession shall belong to him
and his successors in full ownership.

And as the Prince proposes to send to
and establish there certain of his fellow
citizens of Poland he desires that the pos-
sessions which the honorable Congress
may concede to him, in one of the three
Countries above named may bear the
name of New Poland, a name which will
encourage the emigration thither of the
Poles.

As the Prince is by his charge the
Governor of the Duchy of Mazovia, he
hopes that the honorable Congress will
make him Governor also or Stadtholder
of this New Poland, and that it will give
him the rights which other Princes such
as that of Monaco enjoy; and that he
and his successors or those who may
hold their place may have their voice in
the Congress, in the same manner as the
citizens of the other Colonies.

Explanation and Reasons of certain Ar-
ticles and Conditions which the Prince
Mostowski Palatine of the Duchy of Ma-
zovia, &c, asks for with a grant in the
Colonies.

Article 2. The same rights which
other Princes enjoy, &c. As the Prince
proposes to send a number of Poles to
this Grant, it is certain that if he has all

rights and privileges his fellow citizens
will be encouraged to settle there, for
they can trust no one more fully than the
Prince, their fellow citizen and Senator.
It is for this reason that the Prince de-
sires that the country should be known
by name of New Poland.

He demands to be the Governor, &t\
Because he is already the Governor of
the Duchy of Mazovia.

Article 3. To have his Embassadors to
Congress, 6°<r. In order to sustain his
interests and to make report to Congress.

Article 4. That he be only subject to the
General Congress, &"c.

It will cost an enormous deal of trou-
ble and money to settle this Country, and
if different jurisdictions must be appeal-
ed to its citizens will be ruined ; which
will cause them to leave the Country, and
thereby the Population will greatly suffer.
On the other the jurisdiction of the
Country itself, having in view the suffer-
ings of the inhabitants will spare them
in its own interest.

In France the Dukes and Peers as well
as the Lawyers and Attorneys of Parlia-
ment have the right of Commitimus and
are only responsible to Parliament. In
this manner the Prince created by the Con-
gress wishes to be responsible only to it.

Article n. In his Arms the letters L.
C. libertas Coloniarum.

In honor of the gratitude he and his
successors will owe to Congress and be-
cause he will be a Member of the free
Colonies.

In the same manner as the Republic,
when it gives titles of Nobility to any
person gives him arms also in honor of it.

The Republic of the Colonies will be
thus sure to have in the north of Poland

REPRINTS

the family of the Prince, those who are
allied to him and others always devoted
to its interests and to its liberty and in-
dependence.

Article 13. The right of Coinage, ore.

In a country which is becoming settled
a great deal of Money is necessary and
if the Prince does not have his own mint
he may find himself compelled to take
the money of his neighbors and give
them an advantage to his own loss.

The Prince of Monaco has also this
right.

Article 16. To Standing Ar?nies.

An Army is of indispensable necessity.
Moreover it will stimulate population ;
since the infinite number of young men
in Europe who have a desire to be Sol-
diers would be drawn there.

Title of Grant. Whereas the Prince
Mostowski Palatine of the Duchy of Mar-
zovia, «Scc, has given to our Colonies an
evident proof of his attachment and de-
votion to us at a considerable expense of
his own monies to aid us in the present
war.

Therefore to testify our gratitude to
him, We &c, &c, &c.

Note. These curious papers are in the pos-
session of the New York Historical Society; none
of them bear any date. They are endorsed "To
M. Rusch, under the name of Berginas, the Balm
has been sent by M. Savaror, Merchant."

Editor.

SETTLEMENT OF ACADIA

Translated for the Magazine
We have already reported that the
Hollanders continued their voyages in
the West Indies and the English in Vir-
ginia. As to the French voyagers in
New France the Sieur des Monts ob-

tained from the King in this year (1608)
a new confirmation of his privilege for
the traffic in Beaver skins in New France,
in order to enable him better to establish
his colonies for the future, and in the
month of March he sent three ships, carry-
ing good workmen and their families, to
establish Republics there. It will not
be out of place to relate when he began
his voyage thither.

In the year 1603, the Sieur des Monts
having proposed to the King that a settle-
ment should be begun in New France,
and that he should not be satisfied with
a simple reconnoissance of the country,
obtained from his Majesty permission to
go thither with the title of Vice-Admiral
and with prohibition to all, except those
associated with him in the enterprise, to
fit out any vessels for the trade in furs or
other merchandize for the period of the
ten years his privilege, that is from
the Cap de Raze up to the fortieth de-
gree, including the entire coast of Cadie-
land and Cap Breton, the Bays of St.
Cler, Chaleur, Isle-percee, Gachepe, Chi-
chedec, Mesamechi, Lesquemin, Tadou-
sac and Canada river.

The seventh of March, in the year
1604, the Sieur des Monts set sail with
two ships from Havre de Grace, to be-
gin the aforesaid settlement there and to
pass a winter. Arrived after several
storms at sea, he established his first
settlement in the river of Canada, in the
island of St. Croix, where he built a fort,
which he armed with cannon and sup-
plied with several wooden houses; others
constructed huts for themselves, after the
manner of the Savages. In short they
cleared the island, and divided some
land in the neighborhood, where they

REPRINT§

sowed grain and put everything in the
best order possible to pass the winter.
However, the Sieur de Poitrincourt, who
had accompanied him on this voyage,
returned to France with two ships, which
carried several bales of Beaver skins and
other kinds of fur.

The winter, which is very severe in
this country, arriving, these new settlers
suffered great inconvenience, first for
want of wood and next for fresh 'water,
having only a single boat in which to
pass the great river in search of these
things, their boat not being repaired;
then it was pitiful; the frosts and snows
were so severe that the cider froze
in the casks ; and wine was only served
out certain days in the week ; many who
drank snow water fell suddenly ill of dis-
eases unknown in Europe, similar to
those which those had who accompanied
Jacques Quartier in former times: First
their legs swelled, their muscles became
shrunken and black, then the disease
crept up the hips, thighs and shoulders to
the arms and neck ; their mouths were
covered with a rotten flesh which spread
all over and grew afresh between night
and morning when they thought to re-
move it, so that in a short time thirty-six
died of it. There were about forty men
who were cured when spring returned.

The winter over, the Sieur des Monts
refitted the bark to explore other
land where settlement might be more
healthy than at Saint Croix ; he coasted
along several countries until he reached
Malebarre, but not finding a suitable
place he returned to his first settlement,
awaiting the arrival of some vessel in
which to return to France. While he
was in this state the Sieur de Pont Grave

arrived from Honfleur with a company
of some forty men to succor him ; their
coming decided them to establish them-
themselves at a part at which the Sieur
de Poitrincourt had asked permission of
the said Sr. des Monts to settle on his
return; which he had called Port Royal
and which is in the Bay Francoise.

This determined upon each one takes
down his lodging; all were transported
to the new settlement, which was picked
out upon an Island opposite to the mouth
of the river de l'Esquille; all set to
work, some upon the dwellings and others
to put the ship in a condition to return
to France and to carry such peltries as
they had collected. The Sieur des
Monts embarked upon his return and left
Du-Pont as his Lieutenant with Champ-
dore and Champlain, who labored with
such diligence upon their new habitation
that when the winter arrived their dwell-
ings were completed.

Winter arriving, the savages of the
country assembled together from various
places and came to the Port Royal to
barter Beaver, Otter and Elk skins and
fresh meat. The settlement was a little
better situated than that at Island St.
Croix, although there were six who died
of the same disease as those the year
previous.

The sea becoming navigable the Sieur
du Pont fitted up the bark to explore
new lands, but upon his voyage the wind
drove it upon the roads where it was lost;
those on board were saved; this is the
reason why no discovery was made this
Summer and that all that the French
could do was to build another bark and
a gig to look for some French vessels on
the cod fisheries by which to return to

REPRINTS

France in case the Sieur des Monts
should not send any vessel to their relief.

The month of June, 1606, passing and
the Sieur du Pont finding that no one
arrived from France to replace him,
loaded his boat and his sloop with all the
peltry he had, left only two Frenchmen
in the Port Royal and set sail in search
of some Newfoundlanders on the fishing
banks (they rarely came nearer to Port
Royal than one hundred and fifty leagues)
in order to return to France ; but he
learned on the way that the Sieur de
Poitrincourt had been seen in a vessel
bound to Port Royal; this advice caused
his return ; it is impossible to express
the joy felt by both at their meeting.

Du Pont had built the lodgings at Port
Royal, and Poitrincourt as soon as he
arrived made the first sowings of grain,
hemp, flax, turnip, horseradish, cabbages
and other crops; Du Pont remaining un-
til the twenty-fifth of August, saw them
come out of the ground, then set sail to
carry the news to France, with the inten-
tion, should he fall in with it on his way,
of attacking a Normand vessel which did
not belong to their Company, and was
trading for skins with the Savages against
the prohibition.

As for the Sieur de Poitrincourt he
busied himself with the bark, during
the remainder of the Summer and Fall,
in the exploration of harbors and of
what the land yielded between the
fortieth and forty-sixth degree. He first
visited the Island of St. Croix; thence he
returned towards Malebarre and the
country of the Armouchiquois, to look up
a more convenient place for the settlement
than Port Royal ; in which voyage he
passed ten months and a half before re-

turning to the fort, where he passed the
winter and with him all his People, with
less diseases than the years preceding,
because of his management and good
order; notwithstanding four died. He
built the first water mill in that country;
and the spring arriving he gave orders
for the preparation of two barks.

The Company of the Sieur des Monts
not being as profitable to his companions
as they had hoped, they dissolved it ; so
that he was forced to send for the Sieur
de Poitrincourt, who was sorry to have to
return to France and abandon entirely
the fort of Port Royal to the Savage Mem-
bertouts without leaving a single French-
man behind him. Before leaving he
awaited the ripening of all the grains and
fruit he had sowed and carried some of
them to France, where he arrived toward
the end of September, leaving no French-
man behind him to winter in this coun-
try.

There were many causes for the break-
ing up of the Company of the Sieur des
Monts: among others a Captain La
Jeunesse had joined with some Holland-
ers and carried away all the Beaver
skins from the great Canada river, which
was greatly to the detriment of the Com-
pany ; they made enemies also because
of the vessels they took; nevertheless
this year the King having confirmed the
Sieur des Monts anew in his privileges
with the same prohibitions, he sent three
ships more and a Colony under the com-
mand of Champdore and Champlain;
Champdore re-peopled Port Royal and
Champlain made a new settlement at
Kebec; so the pilots of the vessels which
carried them over reported on their re-
turn. — Le Mercure Francois, 160S.

NOTES

Indian and French history in west-
ern Pennsylvania. No. II. — In my
previous article, I find I was in error in
stating that the original French route
from Lake Erie to the Allegheny river
was by the (then so called) Lebceuf river.
More thorough examination would have
prevented the mistake, but I hardly regret
it, as in now rectifying it, I will have an
opportunity to point out passages in pop-
ular histories, on which my statement
was founded, tending to mislead, and
which, if scrutinized, seem in a measure
to be deductions from facts not suffi-
ciently established.

With regard to the route of Capt.
Celeron in 1749, and the lead plates
buried by him along the Ohio river, we
find in Pioneer History, by S. P. Hildreth,
published in 1848, by the Historical
Society of Cincinnati, at page 19 this
statement: "The route of Capt. Celeron
must have been from Presque Isle over
on to the heads of Lebceuf (French Creek)
and thence down the Allegheny." "We
have proof of this fact in the dates of the
leaden plates since found in several
places." The dates leading to this con-
clusion I shall notice hereafter.

In the History of Western Pennsyl-
vania, by a Gentleman of the Bar, pub-
lished in 1847, at page 35 is given a copy
both in French and English of the in-
scription on the plate deposited by
Capt. Celeron found at Venango ; and
purporting to have been placed at the
confluence of the Toradakoin and the
Ohio rivers on the 29th day of July, 1749.

In Annals of the West, by James R.
Albach, published in 1856, we have a
repetition of the story of this plate at

page 100 as having been found at Ve-
nango, and having been buried by Capt.
Celeron at the confluence of the Torada-
koin and Ohio rivers.

In addition to the various renderings
of the name for this locality such as We-
nengo, Weningo, Venango, we find in
Western Annals, at page 103, an Indian
name, for it is said to have been Ganaga-
rahhare.

The two routes the French took in
passing from Canada to the Ohio river
have some topographical features com-
mon to both. Thus each had one point
on Lake Erie, then a portage of about
fifteen miles to a lake, and then a pass-
age way for boats over the waters flowing
out of the smaller lakes respectively to
the Allegheny river. If history con-
nected with these routes was purely tra-
ditional, there would be easy opportunity
for misapprehension; fortunately as to
the French operations on the southern
shore of Lake Erie in 1753, we have the
testimony of an eye witness in the narra-
tive of Mr. Stephen Coffen, who was
captured by the French in 1747, and
worked for them as a prisoner for several
years afterwards. (See Western An-
nals, page 101). According to his
statement the Fort Le Presque Isle was
commenced in the Spring of 1753, and
as soon as it was finished a wagon road
was cut to the river Aux Bceufs where
another Fort was then established.

I may remark in passing, that the other
Fort built at that time, viz : Le Bceuf>
stood on the north bank of the inlet to
Le Bceuf lake, just east of the Susque-
hanna and Waterford turnpike. Some
rods south-west of it, within sight of the
road, was the small lake or pond (Lebceuf)

NOTES

where the French collected their canoes
and bateaux, which, with a favorable
stage of the water, were run down the
outlet into the river Aux Bceufs (French
Creek) and thence to the Allegheny river
at Venango (now Franklin). Forty years
ago, when all traces of the Fort had dis-
appeared except some earth works, the
writer of this gathered clippings of cop-
per and pieces of iron, where apparently
had stood a blacksmith's forge within the
fort. There is a sketch of this fort on
an old map in the Land office at Harris-
burg, Pa., of lands surveyed for the
Pennsylvania Population Company, to-
wards the close of the last century
(1792-3) showing its position.

Returning to Mr. CorTen's narrative,
we find that in the Spring of 1753 Mon-
sieur Morang suspended some incipient
operations to make a Fort at Chadakoin,
because the river Chadakoin was too
shallow to carry any boat with provisions,
&c, to the Ohio. And that he directed
Monsieur Mercie, acting as Commissary
and Engineer, to search for a better loca-
tion, which he did; and three days after-
wards reported a more satisfactory one
at a place fifteen leagues south west of
Chadakoin. As this latter place was
Presque Isle (now Erie), we get about
the location of the place on Lake Erie
named Chadakoin ; so called I suppose
from being the entrepot for goods to be
transported over the Chautauque Lake
route.

We also learn that after the road from
Presque Isle to Le Bceuf had been com-
pleted, Monsieur Peon with two hundred
men in four days time in the month of
October (1753) cut a wagon road over
the carrying place from Lake Erie to

Lake Chadakoin. This would indicate
that Chautauque Lake as well as its out-
let had the name Chadakoin applied to it
at that time.

Four years anterior to this the Marquis
Gallisoniere, the French Commander in
Canada, directed Captain Louis Celeron
to place at the mouths of its tributary
streams along the Ohio river, lead plates
on which should be inscribed the claim
of France to the possession of the Ohio
river and all lands watered by its several
branches.

I have collated these fragments of
French American History from the sev-
eral sources named, in order to point out
what would seem to be errors from the
misplacement of the Celeron plates. We
are not left to the common sense infer-
ence that these plates would not be
buried promiscuously at the mouths of
streams without regard to the names in-
scribed upon them, for the text expressly
declares that they were buried at the con-
fluence of the streams respectively named
on them with the Ohio river. The one
found at Venango (now Franklin) is said
to have been carried by the Indians who
unearthed it, to Governor Clinton of New
York (see Pioneer History by Hildreth,
page 19) and is probably still in existence;
if so, it can be referred to to settle one
point of probable error.

It was from the name Toradakoin on
this plate that I inferred such to be the
original Indian name for French Creek.

From Mr. Marshall I learn that in
reality the name on the above plate was
Tchadakoin, a word that could easily get
trasmuted into Toradakoin from the cor-
roding of the plates by time. Now
Tchadakoin is only one of the various

NOTES

ways of spelling Chatakoin, the Indian
name, as we have shown, of the outlet
of Chautanque Lake (now Conewango
Creek), and the plate in question would
seem clearly intended to be placed where
that stream debouches into the Allegheny
river at now Warren. I may note here
that the inference in Pioneer History
at p. 19, that Celeron, from the date of
his letters and those on the plates, must
have passed over the French Creek route,
hardly seems tenable. The plate at
Venango (Franklin) is dated July 29,
1749. His letter to the Governor of
Pennsylvania of the 6th of August, giv-
ing notice of the French claims, is dated
from Camp sur le Belle Riviere, at an
ancient village of the Chouans Indians,
which the author of Pioneer History says
may have been at Venango ; and on the
16th of August he (Celeron) was at the
mouth of the Muskingum. I do not see
anything in all this that shows clearly
whether Celeron found his way to Frank-
lin over the Chautauque and Allegheny
route or over the French Creek route.

Did Captain Celeron misplace his lead
plates ? There can be little doubt of it,
if the facts as to the discovery of two of
them at the stated localities are correct.

Of the finding of the plate at the
mouth of the Muskingum we have a
more detailed account than of the other.
It was discovered by some boys while
bathing in the year 1798, and after pass-
ing through several hands was sent by
Governor De Witt Clinton to the Anti-
quarian Society of Massachusetts, in
whose possession it is still supposed to
be. Badly mutilated by the finders of
it, the plate retains clearly the names of
the streams at the confluence of which

it was intended to be placed ; and these
are the riviere YENANGUE and the
OYO (Ohio). (For copy of the remnant
of this plate and the inscription upon it
see Pioneer History at page 20.)

It will be remembered there was no
standard authority in those days for the
spelling of Indian names, and the sub-
stitution of a Y for a V as the initial let-
ter in Venango, is not a wider departure
from the modern way of spelling this
name than OYO would be in spelling
Ohio.

In Pioneer History, at page 22, Ye-
nangue is given as the Indian name of the
Muskingum, but probably this is an infer-
ence from the name on the plate, which, as
suggested, may have been misplaced. It
seems a doubt existed at the writing
of that history (1848) about where
this plate should have been placed, but
the fact that it was found at the mouth
of the Muskingum appears to be ac-
cepted as fully established.

In Heckewelder's Indian Nations, Me-
moirs of Hist. Soc. of Pa., page 387, the
author says, " in the Delaware language
there are no such consonants as the Ger-
man W or the English V." "Before a
vowel W was pronounced as in English ;
before a consonant it was expressed by
an indescribable whistling sound." This,
however, throws no light upon the var-
ious forms in which this name (Venan-
go) appears in print, and I still adhere to
the view taken in my first article, that
Venango (which we meet with after
French occupation) is but a French ren-
dition of Weningo.

Having pointed out the interest awak-
ened as to the actual route of Captain
Celeron in 1749, and as to the deposit of

NOTES 55

the lead plates by him, I conclude by that in which I have employed it, I
saying I learn with pleasure that Mr. thought it best not to shut it up entirely,
Marshall, the President of the Buffalo as a long time might elapse before I re-
Hist. Soc, has had the good fortune to ceived from you the necessary powers
find in Paris the original manuscript for transferring the capital, in case I had
journal of Captain Celeron, with a jour- purchased the stock in your name; mean-
nal and map of the route by one of his while the dividends could not have been
travelling companions, and has been per- received for your use. The method I
mitted to make extracts from them, have adopted is commonly practised in
Mr. Marshall is one of the few, if not similar cases, and I can immediately alter
the only person in the country, possessed it in whatever manner you think proper,
of knowledge from authentic sources as soon as you will do me the honour to
to set all doubt upon this portion of give me notice of your sentiments by a
French-American history at rest. I sin- letter. The account is as follows,
cerely trust he will furnish one of his Bought by Messrs. Samuel and William
interesting articles for the Magazine of Scholey, Stock Brokers, for Major Gen-
American History, and give its readers eral Arnold, 7,000/. sterling in the new
the benefit of the light he possesses on annuities; at 7 25 per cent., in the man-
the subject referred to. ner following :

Note. — The word rendered in my first article , , _, . _ , *» s '

,.,.,, Under the name of Major General

unnwndah should be tinmm^ua. „ ,. , , ,

Benedict Arnold 100/. sterling

A. HUIDEKOPER. stock at 1 \ per cent, in the new

Meadville, Pa. consolidated annuities, at 4 per

cent, and 6,900/. sterling in the

Benedict Arnold's reward,-/ 5 ^- same fund » under the name of

». , . j7 -^ o o- t Tames Meyrick, Esq 4.9^7 100

Itament-streeL -loth ^fan. 1781. Sir: I ^ J . . ' , ' *. ' Tr n

' ° J ' Commission to the Brokers 8 15 o

have received the honour of your differ- Letter of attorney for receiving the

ent letters, inclosing bills of exchange dividends 016

upon Harley and Drummond (bankers ■

to the court) to the amount of 5000/. ^4.99 6 6 6

sterling, of the receipt of which I regu- There then remains of the 5,000/. three

larly gave you notice. On the day they pounds thirteen shilling and six pence,

were paid, I placed the sum in the funds Thus by this method, if I receive any

in compliance with your intimation; and instructions from you for employing

as the time was extremely favourable, I your money in a different manner, I can

flatter myself with the pleasure of meet- sell out the 6,900/. and dispose of your

ing your approbation, and that you will money agreeable to your directions be-

be pleased with the manner in which I fore this letter reaches you; and if it is

have disposed of it. your wish that it should remain in the

As it is proposed that some orders may funds, it can be placed under your name,

arrive from you directing the disposal of by my transferring the 6,900/. and join-

your money in some different way from ing it to your 100/. The reason of my

NOTES

purchasing the latter sum in your name,
was that you might have an account open.

The letter of attorney, here enclosed,
enables me also to receive the dividends
for the whole 7000/. after I have trans-
ferred, if it is your wish that I should
do it. I hope that I have now explained
everything sufficiently, and I can assure
you I have acted with greater care in this
transaction than if it had been for my-
self.

I have the honour to be, Sir, your
most obedient and most humble servant,

To Gen. Arnold. James Meyrick.

Political Magazine II. 647. W. K.

new emission. The paper was formed
into a roll; and was but little injured."
Petersfield.

Marriage in high life. — At Hono-
lulu, Sandwich Islands, 12 May last
(1839), by the Rev. J. Diell, Missionary,
Mr. Benjamin Franklin Church to Maoki,
Princess of Molokai. This marriage in
high life must be interesting to some of
the ladies of St. Andrews, who must feel
proud of the preference given by their
former beau, late of the Chamcork paper
mill, to the copper colored charms of his
royal squaw over the blue noses and
white skins of New Brunswick. There
is no disputing about taste. — St. Andrews
Standard. ' S.

A fish story. — The following para-
graph appeared in the Columbian Cen-
tinel for July, 1804. It is very fishy; I
doubt if even a New England haddock
would take Continental money. " Capt.
Snow Stetson informs us, that while on a
fishing party, off Cohasset rocks, he
caught a Haddock; and upon opening it
for the purpose of cookery, he found in
the stomach, Three Hundred and Forty-
four dollars — in old Continental money,

Bones of columbus. — Washington,
Nov. 1. The United States consul at
San Domingo has transmitted to the
Department of State an account of
the recent discovery of the bones of
Columbus in the Cathedral in that city.
Dying in Spain in 1506, the remains of
Columbus were first deposited in the
Convent of St. Francis. In 15 13 they
were transferred to the Caithusian Con-
vent of Los Cuevas, from whence they
were shipped to San Domingo in 1536,.
and deposited in the Cathedral in that
city. In 1796 these remains, as it was
then and up to the present discovery be-
lieved, were conveyed in great pomp to
the Cathedral of Havana, where they
were supposed to have reposed ever since.
The consul at San Domingo says that*
while some workmen were digging up the
floor around the pulpit in the Cathedral,
to make some repairs, they exposed to
view a walled orifice containing a leaden
case two feet long, by eight inches deep
and eight inches wide, the inscription on
which bore uncontestable evidence that
the contents were the bones of Christo-
pher Columbus. Immediately upon this
discovery being made the remains were
restored to their original resting-place
and the receptacle walled up. On the
10th of September, in the presence of the
Governor and other government officials
and the various consuls, amid the sound
of martial music and the booming of
cannon, the remains were again exhumed*
the box, bones, and inscription examined
and the facts recorded and attested to by

NOTES

all the officials and consuls present. The
lead box containing the remains was
then enclosed in another box, carefully
sealed with the seals of the consuls, to be
opened only in their presence, and placed
in the custody of Padre Ballinie, in the
Church of Regina Anglorum, to be held
by him subject to investigation by any
foreign commissions desirous of satisfy-
ing themselves of the facts and until a
suitable amount can be raised to erect a
fitting monument over the remains. It
being suggested that other countries
might like to contribute to the erection
of this monument, the various consuls
were requested to bring the subject to the
attention of their respective governments
in order to give them a chance to do so.
The ancient records of the Cathedral in
San Domingo having been long ago de-
stroyed by vandals, no facts concerning
the supposed removal of these remains to
Havana can be ascertained in San Do-
mingo; but it is conjectured that the
monks palmed off on the Spaniards the
remains of somebody else, retaining to
themselves and their Cathedral the vene-
rated bones of the great navigator. — The
Press, Phil., Nov. 2, 1877.

The wreck of the sagunto. — The
records of the Isles of Shoals contain
the following entry : a Ship Sagunto
Stranded on Smotinose He, Jan'y 14,
1813; Jan'y 15 one man foun ; 16th, 6
mend found, 21 — 7 the Number of men
yet found belonging to said ship twelve."
It will be seen that the author of this
paragraph was poor at addition, but it is
reasonable to suppose that he knew the
name of the ship which was lost, being a
resident of an island adjoining Smutty

Nose. The author of " Nooks and Cor-
ners of the New England Coast," p. 184,
states that this was not the Sagunto, and
that the ship actually lost was "un-
known," while at that time the M Sagun-
to was lying, after a terrible buffeting,
within a safe harbor."

The proof offered in support of these
statements is found in the Boston Colum-
bian Sentinel, of Jan. 16, 1813, that the
"Sagunto, [of] Carrera, seventy-three
days from Cadiz for New York, arrived at
Newport [R. I.] Monday, January nth."

The Centi?iel of Jan. 20th has a notice
of the wreck of an unknown ship on
Smutty Nose, and says that it was prob-
ably the one spoken by the " Gold-Coin-
er on the Banks." We may add in pass-
ing that the same paper reports in its
issue of Jan. 13th, that the Gold-
Coiner " spoke nothing." The Boston
Gazette, however, Jan. iSth, reports a
ship lost on Smutty Nose. On the 21st
more particulars are given, and a letter
found proved that the ship was from
Cadiz ; Jan. 28th, still fuller particulars
are given, and the name of the ship is
the u Segunto, commanded by Captain
Dou or Don, from Cadiz bound to New
York." This might be considered suffi-
cient, but the records of New York show
that no ship Segunto arrived at that port,
while the New York Commercial Adver-
tiser of Jan. 20th, mentioned the wreck
at the Shoals, and on the 28th copies the
Gazette's account, declaring that the ship
was the "Segunto." The master, if cor-
ectly reported as "for New York," either
changed his destination on account of
the blockade, or was driven by the gale
to the Shoals. This case shows how
writers may be mistaken. Review.

QUERIES

The straits of maCxELlan. — Who
discovered the Straits of Magellan? Piga-
fetti, the Scribe of Magellan, says that
navigator knew from a chart in the
Treasury of the King of Portugal, that
the entrance to the western sea would be
through a narrow concealed passage.
Schoner's globe (1520) of South America,
which, like the map of Hieronimo Ver-
razana (1529), gives the entire west coast
of South America conjecturally (?) shows
such a passage. Now, therefore, where
did Schoner get his idea. Was it from
Behaim; or is the reported date of

Schoner's globe a false one?

Washington's headquarters 1778.
— Where was Fredericksburg, Washing-
ton's Headquarters, in the Autumn of
1778? I would like to have the exact
locality, as I have had a dispute about
the position of the place, and I cannot
find it in any of my Gazetteers. I. C.

Yale college. — Is not Yale the Col-
lege referred to in the following inscrip-
tion on a tombstone now in the old
burying ground at Sagg, near Bridge-
hampton, Long Island ?
" Here lies ye

Body of Mr.

Henry White,

Student of

the College,

who died May

4th, 1748, in his

23d Year."

T. H. M.

Inverted interrogation point. —
I have a copy of Sterne's Sentimental
Journey, printed by Isaiah Thomas at
Worcester, Mass., in 1793, in which many

of the interrogative sentences are pre-
ceded by an inverted interrogation point;
thus, " — iYou have been in France?" —
"<;And what then?" As I have never
before observed this use of the interro-
gation point I would be pleased to have
it explained. I. C.

Reward for Indian scalps. — "The
scalping mode of warfare having been
recently represented as peculiar to the
red savages of the wilderness, the fol-
lowing Pittsburgh publication will de-
monstrate that their enlightened, Chris-
tian white neighboring brethern have
long since adopted their reprobated ex-
ample:

Indian Scalps !
Pittsburgh, May 17, 1791.

" We the subscribers, encouraged by a
large subscription, do promise to pay
One Hundred Dollars for every hostile
Indian's Scalp, with both ears to it, taken
between this date and the 15th day of
June next, by any inhabitant of Allegany

George Wallis,
Robert Elliot,
William Amberson,
Adamson Tannehill,
Willliam Wilkins, Jr.,
John Irwin.
u The preceeding six worthies, it is said,
are the principals of an association of
the most civilized, humane and pious in-
habitants of Pittsburgh."

The above statement appeared in the
Providence Gazette and was copied into
the Boston Gazette of June 28, 1813.
It is not a very satisfactory result of
Penn's policy.

Are there any later instances of re-
wards being offered for scalps? W. K.

REPLIES

Erkuries eeatty. — (I. 372, 452.)
Although Gen. Stryker made extraord-
inary exertions to get the names of the
officers and men from New Jersey in the
Revolutionary war, contained in the offi-
cial Register of New Jersey, he never
claimed he got all. The fact asserted in
the Beatty Family Record that Erkuries
Beatty served in the New Jersey troops
before he was promoted Ensign in the
Pennsylvania Line is proved by the orig-
inal letter on file in the office of the Sec-
retary of the Commonwealth at Harris-
burg, from Samuel Erwin to John Bayard,
a member of the Council of Safety, dated
Feb. 17, 1777, on which is endorsed
" Petition and Recommendation of Er-
kuries Beatty appointed." The letter
is as follows :

Sir : There is one of Mr. Beatty's
sons who was put Apprentice to a Gentel-
man in Elizebeth Town; who is now with
me, his Master having quit business on
account of the Enemy being in that
Neighbourhood. The young man hath
been Six Months in the Service of his
country with the Jersey troops, and is
still inclined to try his fortune in the
Army, and more so as Captain Bradford
hath given him encouragement to expect
an office in some of the New Batalions
now raising in this State. I can Recom-
mend him to you for his Honesty and
Soberiety and I think he will be Faith-
ful in the Discharge of any trust com-
mited to him according to the best of his
Knowledge. As I Expect he will De-
liver this into your Hand you will there-
fore have an opportunity of seeing and
talking with him, and if you should thinke
him a fit person for an offiser I hope you

will assist him with your Interest in the
Counsil of Safety, but if you thinke
otherwise advise him not to put in his
petition. If I did not Know that you
had a great regard for Mr. Beatty I
would blame my self for intruding upon
you so much as I have don in respect of
his Family, and I have no other Excuse
to make to you or my self for so doing
and freely submit the above request to
your Judgment and am Sr your

Friend & Humb. Svt.

Samuel Erwin.
February 17, 1777.

P. S. The young man being on his
way to see his Sisters you will have an
opportunity to send their money.

To Coll. John Byard att Philadelphia
Harrisburg, Pa. John B. Linn.

Author of plain truth. — (I. 633
693). I suppose W. K. attributes Plain
Truth to Rev. Charles Inglis on the au-
thority of the " State of the Anglo-Ameri-
can Church," in which Inglis says " In
February last I wrote an answer to a
pamphlet entitled Common Sense . . .
one of the most virulent, artful and per-
nicious pamphlets I ever met with.'
This answer, Inglis says, was published
in Philadelphia and reached a second
edition. I have a pamphlet that is evi-
dently the one meant. It is entitled
" The True Interest of America impar-
tially stated, in certain strictures on a
pamphlet entitled Common Sense. By
an American. 2nd Edition, Philadelphia
1776. The preface is dated February
1 6th and begins "The following pages
contains an answer to one of the most
artful, insidious, and pernicious pamph-
lets 1 have ever met with."

PROCEEDINGS OF THE N. Y. HISTORICAL SOCIETY

In a pamphlet entitled "Additions to
Plain Truth," written by the author of
" Plain Truth," is the following uncleri-
cal sentence: " We hope the candid
reader will be gratified with the following
extracts on that subject by that universal
genius Voltaire and by the almost in-
spired Montesquieu."

Furthermore, Candidus knows too
much and feels too strongly about Penn-
sylvania affairs for a New Yorker. He
is also " possessed of property" and "sil-
vered with age, a friend of John Dickin-
son and acquainted with almost all the
members of Congress."

In the Congress of 1774 Galloway
spoke : " I am as much a friend of lib-
erty as exists, and no man shall go further
in point of fortune or in point of blood
than the man who now addresses you."
In the same unclerical vein Candidus
writes : " Passionately devoted to true
liberty, I glow with the purest flame of
patriotism ... if I know myself my
humble sword shall not be wanting to my
country." F. Burdge.

Foreign grapes in America. — (I.
633, 694.) The Bermuda Company of
London, Feb. 15, 1615-6, advised Capt.
Daniel Tucker, Governor of the Somer
Islands, that "Wee have sent you vynes
and vyne cuttinges, to be put into the
grounds, lett them be fenced from cattle
and conies and kept cleane from weeds
and multiplye them by puttinge all yor
vyne cuttinges everye yeare into the
ground, that you may have many acres
in several places planted with them, 8 or
10 foote asunder, you may lead them
alonge or upright upon poles or lett
them runne from tree to tree at your
pleasure." W. K.

William s. cardell (I. 633) was a
teacher in the city of New York in
1825-6, and perhaps longer; about that
time he passed out of my notice. I
think he was not principal but assistant
in a school. Besides " Jack Halyard the
Sailor Boy," he was the author of an
"Essay on Language," New York, 1825,
and "Elements of English Language,"
New York, 1826. Much reading of
Tooke's " Diversions of Purley " started
him as a language reformer after the
manner of many others before and since.
A few copies of his books are all that is
left of his reform. E. C. B.

Pronunciation of the word iro-
quois. — (I. 692.) Schoolcraft (Vol. VI.
p. 188) says of the Aquinoshioni or
Iroquois, " the French, agreeably to their
system, gave them the name of Iroquois,
a term founded on two Indian radicals,
with the Gallic terminal, ois, supplied."
In the French language this terminal has
but one pronunciation, which is as if it
was spelled "wa" Spiers & Surenne's
Dictionary gives the pronunciation of
Iroquois as I-ro-koa. Poetic license
surely is not stretched very far in mak-
ing the name rhyme with " law " and
"shore;" and "me judici," neither the
Herald nor the Press are correct in con-
demning this use of the name in poetry.

H. E. H.

DECEMBER PROCEEDINGS

OF THE NEW YORK HISTORICAL

SOCIETY

The regular monthly meeting was held
in the Hall of the Society on the even-
ing of Tuesday, December 4, 1877, the

PROCEEDINGS OF THE N. Y. HISTORICAL SOCIETY

President, Frederic de Peyster, LL.D., in
the chair. The nominating committee sub-
mitted a list of officers recommended to the
Society for election for the coming year.

Among the gifts of books to the Library
was one of great value from Mr. Paul S.
Forbes (the French Voyages of Du Petit
Thouairs around the World, Dumont
d'Urville to the South Pole, and Baron
de Bougainville Around the Globe, in
twenty-five elegant volumes, printed un-
der the direction of the French Govern-
ment. This set was presented to Mr.
Forbes while Consul of the United States
at Canton, in recognition of the disinter-
ested services rendered by him to French
sailors in the China seas during the years
1847-1848-1849-1850. On motion of
theLibrarian, Mr. Forbes received the
thanks of the Society by resolution.

The paper of the evening was then
read by Rev. B. F. de Costa. The sub-
ject was " The Globe of Euphrosynus
Ulpius 1542, and its Relation to the Map
of Verrazano 1529." The announcement
of this paper attracted to the Hall a large
audience, including many gentlemen in-
terested in the investigation of the early
discoveries and the history of the coast
line of America. The Globe was shown
upon the platform. Its history is interest-
ing. It was made at Florence but found
a few years since in Madrid by the late
Buckingham Smith, and secured for the
Library by the liberality of the late John
David Wolfe.

There were two brothers who bore
the name of Verrazano, Giovanni and
Heironimo. Giovanni was the leader
in the Voyage made to America in the
name of Francis I., during 1524, and Hie-
ronimo the author of the Map illustrating

the voyage, which forms the foundation of
of the history of this country. These
two brothers, through the Voyage and
Map, became living factors in American
History. The Map of Hieronimo was
a geographical curiosity. In addition to
an isthmus at Darien, it showed one in
the latitude of New York, behind which
isthmus was spread out the great Pacific.
The navigator, like the people of his
age, believed in the existence of a great
sea supposed to cover a large portion of
the present area of the United States.

The influence of the Verrazano map
was shown to have been very extensive.
Geographers have not appreciated this,
for the reason that they had no sufficient
knowledge of the map, which has been
grossly misrepresented. Another curious
feature of the Verrazano Map, was its
nomenclature. A copy of this map was
presented to Henry VIIL, and though it
is now lost, we know that on that map
the American coast was covered with
Italian names. The names at the out-
set appear curious, but, upon close
examination, many proved to be the
names of well known places in France,
lying chiefly on the road between Dieppe
and La Rochelle, a route that may have
been travelled often by Hieronimo. Mr.
de Costa declared that the Globe of Ul-
pius was a valuable relic of antiquity, and
an authentic memorial of the Voyage of
Verrazano, in 1524.

On the conclusion of the paper, Mr.
de Costa received the thanks of the
Society. We are happy to announce to
our readers that he has kindly consented
to place his investigations at the service
of the readers of the Magazine at an
early day.

LITERARY NOTICES

(Publishers of Historical Works wishing Notices, will address the Editor, with
Copies, Box ioo, Station D — N, Y. Post office.)

DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE HIS-
TORY of the Dutch and Swedish Settle-
ments on the Delaware River. Translated
and compiled from original manuscripts in the
office of the Secretary of State, at Albany,
and in the Royal Archives at Stockholm, by
B. Fernow, Keeper of the Historical Records,
Vol. XII, 4to, pp. 669. The Argus Company.
Printers, Albany, 1877.

After an interval of some years the State
authorities have again resumed the publication
of a series of documents relating to the Colonial
history of the State of New York, of which
this is the 12th volume, and as no index is ap-
pended we presume it to be their intention to
continue this excellent and desirable work, and
thus place at the disposal of historians and stu-
dents the valuable material which has hitherto
been inaccessable except to few. By the table
of contents we observe that the subject treated
in the present volume is divided into six periods.
I. Times of the first settlements in the Delaware
until the arrival of the Swedes. II. From the
arrival of the Swedes to the taking of Fort
Casimir (Newcastle) by the new Swedish Gov-
ernor, Johan Rysingh (1638 to May 30 1654).

III. Fort Casimir (Newcastle) in the hands of
the Swedes and its recapture by the Dutch.
Complete overthrow of the Swedish Government
in the Delaware (May, 1634 to September, 1655).

IV. The Dutch West India Company, the posses-
sors of the Delaware Territory for some time, are
then compelled, for financial reasons, to surrender
part of their land to the City of Amsterdam, who
established a new colony (September 1655 to May
io 57)- V. The Delaware Territory under dual
government, being divided into the Company's
and the City's colonies until the occupation by
the English (1657 to 1664). VI. The Delaware
Territory a province of New York until the ar-
rival of Penn's Deputy and his establishment
of the Colony of Pennsylvania (1664 to 1682).

It is needless to dwell upon the value of such
material as this. We will only add that this
volume is edited in an unexceptionable manner,
and that the accomplished Keeper of the Records,
Mr. Fernow, is deserving of unqualified praise.

REMINISCENCES AND ANECDOTES OF
Daniel Webster, by Peter Harvey. 8vo,
pp. 480. Little, Brown & Company, Boston,
1877.

There is no form of literature more generally
attractive than biography. Every life has in it
something individual and fascinates the attention

from similarity to or difference from our own. It
is not too much to say that the life and habits of
no man since Washington have been the subject
of more general interest than those of Web-
ster. Jackson had more peculiarities, Clay more
friends, but Webster more admirers than either.
Speaking of him not long since Mr. Charles
O'Conor said in his own striking and original
manner, "that he was the tallest American of
them all." This is certain, but it is equally
certain that he was the most human of them all
— even his errors, his excesses, his faults were
those of a large nature, thoroughly in sympathy
with his fellows.

Mr. Harvey was honored with the friendship
of this man among men, whom no man nor woman
once having seen or heard could ever forget, and
has set down with loving hand the thousand inci-
dents of his personal life and the striking say-
ings with which he amused or instructed his
companions. Many are new, many we have
heard from his intimates are not recorded, and
some are not recorded as we have been wont to
hear them ; but it is impossible that volumes of
recollections can ever be accurate or complete.
Certain it is, however, that no one could have
compiled such a record of Mr. Webster's private
life as this but Mr. Harvey, and that no one who
takes up the book will lay it down until he has
read it to the close. It has an excellent index.

THE HISTORY OF GUILFORD, CON-
NECTICUT, FROM ITS FIRST SETTLEMENT IN

1639, from the manuscripts of Hon. Ralph
D. Smith. 8vo, pp. 219. J. Munsell, Al-
bany, 1877.

An exhaustive and interesting account of this
little town, best known of latter days as the
birth-place and residence of Fitz-Greene Halleck.
Guilford oysters are also well known to the epe-
curian devotees of this delicious bivalve. This
pleasant sketch of the early history of the town in-
cludes some anecdotes of the Indian period in
which Uncas, the famous Sachem of the Mo-
hegans figured, some curious deeds of the same
chief, signed with the Turtle, the mark of the
tribe, and other matter of local interest, and what
we never omit to give credit for, a good name
index.

PEMAQUID, A STORY OF OLD TIMES
in New England, by Mrs. E. Prentiss. i6mo,
pp. 370. Anson D. F. Randolph & Co., New
York. 1877.

This little volume appears to have been writ-
ten with a religious purpose, and is modelled upon

LITERARY NOTICES

the English journals of the seventeenth century.
Our readers must not expect from the title to find
a description of New England life or manners.
The family incidents which are related in a not
unattractive style might as well have taken place
any where else as at Pemaquid.

A SUPPLEMENT TO THE HISTORY AND
Genealogy of the Davenport Family in
England and America from A. D. 1086 to
1S50. Republished in 1851 and continued to
1876, by Amzi Benedict Davenport (of the
twenty-fourth generation). 8vo, pp. 432.
Printed for the family, Stamford, Conn. 1876.
An exhaustive account of this well known
family, the American branch of which is de-
scended from the Reverend John Davenport,
whom the editor styles the Founder and Patri-
arch of New Haven. Its completeness seems to
leave nothing to be desired, and it is well printed
and illustrated in a pleasing manner. Its ar-
rangement also is excellent, and we cheerfully
commend it as a model to genealogists.

THE NEW ENGLAND MINISTRY SIXTY
Years Ago. The Memoirs of John Wood-
bridge, D. D., etc. By Rev. Sereno D.
Clark. 8vo, pp. 473. Lee & Shepard,
Boston, 1877.

The author announces that his volume neces-
sarily contains a brief history of New England
theology, and therefore is written in a philo-
sophical or theological form, the narrative being
varied by disquisitions. The life of Woodbridge
is chosen as a specimen of that of a generation
of Biblical theologians. We have not much
sympathy with this branch of literature, but we
heartily enjoy the personal descriptions of this
excellent divine, and especially the phsycological
analysis of his mind. Those interested in the
operation of religious thought will find much in-
struction in this carefully written volume.

THE SILVER COUNTRY, OR THE GREAT
Southwest. A Review of the Mineral and
other Wealth, the Attractions and Material De-
velopment of the former Kingdom of New
Spain, comprising Mexico and • the Mexican
Cessions to the United States in 1848 and 1S53.
By Alexander D. Anderson. 16'mo, pp.
221. G. P. Putnam's Sons, New York, 1877.
This volume is intended to awaken attention to
the condition of the land of silver, which is pro-
ducing annually two-thirds of the silver of the
whole world, but the author expressly states that

the reader will find in it no discussion of the fi-
nancial merits of silver as a monetary standard.
He shows the value of the territory, its luxuries
and attractions, and invites the advance of rail-
ways to develop its treasures and bring to the
knowledge of the world its natural beauties.

The statistician will turn with the greater in-
terest to the carefully prepared tables of the silver
product, from the days of the Toltecs and Aztecs
to the present. The silver product of the world,
from 1492 to 1S76, is stated at $7,282,071,674,
of which from New Spain, $3,502,307,32^. We
find an admirable list of the authorities on the
history and condition of the different territorial
organizations of the silver country. The book
is without pretention and full of admirably ar-
ranged information.

FAMOUS HORSES OF AMERICA, CON-
TAINING Fifty-nine Portraits of the Ce-
lebrities of the American Turf, past and pres-
ent, with short biographies. 4to, pp. 63.
Porter & Coates, Philadelphia, 1S77.
Of the success of this volume there can be no
doubt. It appeals to one of the prevailing pas-
sions of mankind. Beginning with a fine steel
engraving of American Eclipse, which won the
famous match in 1823, it includes all the favorites
of the turf and some specimens of breeding stock,
and concludes with a portrait of Lady le Vert.
We regret that no notice is taken of the famous
horses of the Colonial period, when the De Lan-
ceys, the Morrises and Rutgers of the North met
the Butlers and Lynchs and Dulanys of the South,
on Northern and Southern courses by turns. We
should like to see an account of the deeds of
Salem, True Briton, and Lath ; of Strumpet,
Jimcrack, Nonpareil and others. Perhaps the
enterprising publishers of the present volume may
take the hint, and give us some account of the
origin of our racing and trotting stock.

MARYLAND'S INFLUENCE IN FOUND-
ING a National Commonwealth, or the
History of the Accession of Public Lands
by the Old Confederation. A paper read
before the Maryland Historical Society, April
9, 1877, by Herbert B. Adams, Ph. D. Fund
Publication No. II. Svo. pp. 123. Baltimore,

1877.

In this paper we find presented in a style charm-
ing in its lucid simplicity an account of the claims
of Virginia, Massachusetts, Connecticut and New
York to the land of the Northwest territory ; of
the influence of Maryland in securing a general
cession of western territory for the public good,
which the author considers rightly as the origin
of our territorial government and the basis of

6 4

LITERARY NOTICES

National Sovereignty. We find of course a re-
view of the various charters under which the
old colonies held their claims. The purpose of
the paper is to prove that in Maryland arose the
original idea that the western country should be
"parcelled out by Congress into convenient
and independent governments," and her influ-
ence in securing its triumph is clearly estab-
lished. With regard to the proprietary right in
the lands, there was not so much dispute as con-
cerning the right of jurisdiction over them which
the States proposed to reserve. Fortunately the
experiment of a confederation had so worn out
the patience of the people that an overwhelming
pressure of public opinion brought the most ob-
stinate to reason, and secured the firm establish-
ment of a indissoluble union and a National
Government.

Mr. Adams' paper is an admirable contribution
to the history of this interesting period. We re-
joice to see such strong assertions of the true
foundation of national sovereignty as we find in
these pages. Not in the social contract, but in
necessity and the public good, Mr. Adams finds
this true foundation ; not in compact or written
constitution, but in the united interests of a peo-
ple must we look for the origin of the States, and
more than all in that community of material in-
terests which arises from the permanent relation
of a people to some fixed territory.

SECOND REPORT OF THE RECORD
Commissioners of the City of Boston,
1871. 8vo, pp. 229.

In this volume, which will be found invaluable
to historians and genealogists, a beginning is made
towards the printing of the ten volumes of Rec-
ords of the Acts of the town of Boston from 1634
to 1822. The present volume comprises the rec-
ords in the first volume, 1634-1661, and the
transcript of a volume entitled "The Book of
Possessions." A thorough index of names com-
pletes this carefully edited volume.

and Blisses from Massachusetts, "Giants of the
Law," and the Ludlows from New York. The
sketches give some account of each of the first

twelve judges.

PROCEEDINGS OF THE CONFERENCE
of Charities, held in connection with
the General Meeting of the American
Social Science Association, Detroit, May,
1875. 8vo, pp. 107. Printed for the Confer-
ence. Tolman & White. Boston, 1875.

PROCEEDINGS OF THE CONFERENCE

of Charities, held in connection with
the General Meeting of the American
Social Science Association, at Saratoga,
September, 1877. Published for the Confer-
ence by A. Williams & Co., Boston, 1877.

These reports are well worth perusal. We par-
ticularly notice the able article of Mr. Hamilton
Andrews Hill of Boston on Immigration in the
first, and Professor W. Wayland's treatise on
the Tramp question in the last report.

BIOGRAPHIES OF FRANCIS LEWIS AND
Morgan Lewis, by their grand daughter
Julia Delafield. Vol. II, i2mo, pp. 244. A.
D. F. Randolph & Co., New York. 1877.

We have already invited the attention of our
readers to the first volume of these pleasant rem-
iniscences, which was devoted to Francis Lewis.
This, the second, is a pleasing biography, full
of personal detail of Morgan Lewis. Those cur-
ious in genealogy will find a careful account of
the Delafield family and its alliances. The
library of every New York family should contain
a copy of these chatty volumes.

THE FIRST COURTS AND EARLY
Judges of New Brunswick. A Paper read
before the New Brunswick Historical Society,
by J. W. Lawrence, Esq., President, Novem-
ber 25, 1874. 8vo, pp. 31. J. & A. McMil-
lan, Printers, St. John, N. B. 1875.
We are glad of an opportunity to call attention
to this monograph, in which historical students
will find a great deal of information concerning
the loyalists and refugees from Massachusetts and
New York who made a part of the government
of this province in its original foundation in 1784,
among them the Uphams, Putnams, Winslows,

MONEY AND LEGAL TENDER OF THE
United States, by H. R. Linderman, Di-
rector of the Mint. i2mo, pp. 173. G. P.
Putnam's Sons, New York. 1877.

The object of this publication is to provide
certain valuable information concerning laws re-
lating to coinage, legal tender and the money
standard in a brief and convenient form. It is
a most welcome and timely book, and all the
more desirable from the authority of its author.
In it the student may find all that he needs to
an understanding of this subject which, simple
in itself, is obscured by the ignorant arguments
of political sciolists.

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MAGAZINE OF AMERICAN HISTORY

Vol. II FEBRUARY 1878 No. 2

THE LETTER OF VERRAZANO

GIOVANNI da Verrazano was born at Val di Greve, a little village
near Florence, about the year 1485, being the son of Piero Andrea
di Bernardo da Verrazano and Fiametta Capella. The portrait
of the Italian Navigator which accompanies this discussion is reproduced
from the representation found in " Uomini Illustri Toscani," which was
copied from a painting in the Royal Gallery at Florence. A search re-
cently instituted failed to bring the original portrait to light. An attempt
to find a copy of the medal that was struck in his honor met with no bet-
ter success. The last member of the family in Florence was Cavaliere
Andrea da Verrazano, who died in 18 19. There is nothing either to
prove or to disprove the authenticity of the portrait, and the presumption
is in favor of its authenticity. It is now faithfully reproduced for the
first time, though on a diminished scale.

In his mature years, after some experience upon the Mediterranean,
Verrazano entered the service of Francis I. of France, and became
famous as a privateer or corsair, a profession sufficiently respectable at
that period, having been followed by Columbus and his family. In 1523
Verrazano captured several ships bringing to Spain the Treasures of
Montezuma. This act in particular excited the enmity of the Spaniards,
who constantly sought for an opportunity to get him into their power.
In 1524 he made his voyage to America. In 1527, it has been maintained,
he was captured by the Spaniards and hung at Colmenar, near Toledo ;
though Ramusio states that, in a second voyage to America, he was cap-
tured by the savages, roasted and eaten. In the year 1870 the present
writer accepted and published the story of his execution, as told in cer-
tain Spanish documents since published.

Amongst these documents is the affidavit of the officer who professed
to have put Verrazano to death. It was nevertheless noticed that the
language of the officer apppeared needlessly positive. Of late, evidence
has come to light which may yet be accepted as disproving the state-

66 THE LETTER OF VERRAZANO

ments of the Spanish official, who possibly deceived himself in supposing
that Verrazano had been captured ; or, what is still more likely, deceived
others, and, while professing to have executed the Florentine, accepted
the bribe which he declares was refused, and thus let him go. This sub-
ject, however, is one that must be left for future investigation.

Another member of the same Florentine family, a brother of Giovanni,
was named Hieronimo. This person was the author of the Map which
relates to Giovanni's Voyage.

The subject of Verrazano's Voyage being reserved for a separate
chapter, let us at once proceed to the Letter which describes the
Voyage.

The first known Post-Columbian description of the North Atlantic
Coast is given by Verrazano in a Letter to Francis I., which has exercised
a marked influence for more than three hundred years. Nevertneless
the authenticity of this Letter has recently been questioned. The objec-
tion based upon an alleged absence of contemporaneous reference to the
voyage might be dismissed with the simple observation, that the charge is
unfounded. Still something will be said on this point. In this connection,
it has been urged by the late Buckingham Smith, the first of the two
writers who have criticised the letter adversely, that neither the Letter nor
the Voyage is mentioned by Admiral Chabot in his letters of 1525. This,
however, is not remarkable, since the voyage of Verrazano was under-
taken before he entered upon his office, which was in 1526, while after-
wards an expedition was sent out under his own administration, the ex-
pedition being led by Cartier, 1534. The latter was the expedition that
he would naturally recognize, though there is no proof that he did not
recognize that of Verrazano, with whom he was associated in a projected
voyage to the Indies in 1526 or later.

Mr. Smith has asked, respecting the voyage, " 11 there were any fame
of the sort, why should France choose to settle her population so far to
the North, preferring the cold regions her fishermen were conceded to
have found, to the milder climate, fertile vales, and inviting bays and
water courses of New England and New York?" We have only to ask
in reply, Why Spain proposed the colonization and fortification of the
Straits of Magellan ? The French supposed that the route to Cathay
led through Canada. Frobisher advocated the same policy on the part
of the English.

In this connection it should, however, be remembered that the
archives of France, much less those of other countries, have not been
searched faithfully, and, also, that the beginning of the sixteenth century

THE LETTER OF VERRAZANO 67

was an inopportune time for the publication of the results of maritime
enterprise. The records of Dieppe suffered much in the bombardment
of 1694, while the archives of La Rochelle were completely destroyed by
fire. The sixteenth century opened gloomily with the confirmation of
the claim of Spain to the entire North American Continent by Alex-
ander VI., and the first quarter of the century was hardly completed
when Francis I. found himself languishing in prison, whence he emerged
only to find society in a state of confusion. Heylin, writing in 1669,
well observes respecting the inattention to the voyage, that the people,
" too much in love with the pleasures of France, or entangled in civil
wars amongst themselves, looked no farther after it."

At the time Verrazano undertook his voyage, every movement con-
nected with the French Marine was watched with a jealous eye. He
was obliged to leave stealthily, and excuse his action by the statement
that he had discovered a country never before seen by Europeans.

Only two Italian versions of the Letter of Verrazano are known to
exist, one of these having been published by Ramusio, at Venice, in 1556,
and the Carli version first mentioned in 1767, and published by the New
York Historical Society in 1841. Ramusio does not say where he found
his copy, but observes that it was the only one of Verrazano's letters to
the King of France that he could procure, " because the others were de-
stroyed during the sack of the poor city of Florence." The Carli version,
which had been referred to in 1667, was found in the Magliabechian Li-
brary at Florence. It was introduced to the public in 1837 by Professor
Greene, and printed in full in the year 1841. In his article in the North
American Review, Professor Greene observed that he was struck by the
difference of language in the two versions, though " in substance," the
differences were not important. Nevertheless, finding that the Carli ver.
sion contained more matter than that of Ramusio, he expressed the opin-
ion, in passing, that the Italian Editor worked the piece over anew before
placing it in his collection of Voyages ; though he could not explain why
Ramusio omitted the cosmographical part, if he knew of its existence.
The suggestion that Ramusio worked the Letter over appears to have
been made without due consideration. It has never been supported by
any proof. Nevertheless the statements of Professor Greene have been
seized upon to work out a theory in opposition to the authenticity of the
Letter. If it were conceded that the Carli version furnished the text of
Ramusio's, no discredit would be thrown upon the authenticity of the
original. This was not intended by Professor Greene, who accepted the
Letter, as describing a genuine voyage. But the objector improves

68 THE LETTER OF VERRAZANO

upon the supposition, by attempting to show that the Letter was a forg-
ery, the weak points of which Ramusio was endeavoring to conceal.
The charge against Ramusio, the Hakluyt of Italy, becomes a serious
one, and demands notice here, both to vindicate his text, and to defend
his memory. It is perfectly true that the two versions are not wholly
alike. It is of no consequence whether they are alike or not. Still the
existing differences may be explained readily when we remember that
we are not dealing with originals. When they are referred to an orig.
inal version the difficulties, if any exist, at once vanish.

An illustration of this is found in connection with Allefonsce. Hak-
luyt, when translating Allefonsce, makes him say that figs grow in
Canada, while another translation represents him as saying that Canada
extends to the land of Figuier. Without the original to refer to, one
might say that the latter was worked over from the former to conceal the
ignorance of Allefonsce. Again, in the printed version of Allefonsce of
1559, it is said that certain people in New England, at Norumbega, are
" small and blackish," while a recent translation declares that they are
" large and handsome." Was the author of the latter version still " work-
ing over" the narrative of Allefonsce to conceal his ignorance, as Ramusio
is alleged to have done with Verrazano's ? Fortunately the original is
now known, and the explanation is easy, though in the time of Lescarbot
(1609) such was not the case, and Allefonsce was discredited. At the
end of more than two centuries and a half, we find that the strictures of
the witty Mark Lescarbot were undeserved, and possibly Verrazano
and his Italian Editor may both be obliged to wait an equally long period
for a full explanation. The prospect, however, need deter no one from
attempting justice now.

The Letter of Carli, which accompanies the Magliabechian version,
deserves independent consideration, as it contains internal evidence prov-
ing that it was written at the time and under the circumstances alleged.
An attempt has indeed been made to treat it with ridicule ; but, if it were
the forgery of a late period, as the theory of the objector supposes, it
must still be explained how the forger came to know the fact that Francis
I. was daily expected at Lyons, upon the Fourth of August 1524. Mon-
cado, with whom Carli served, knew of the movements of Francis (Doc.
Ineditos XXIV. p. 403) and, curiously, Carli refers to Moncado in his
letter. Since, therefore, these two persons were not in communication,
it would appear that both obtained the information at the time.

In approaching the two versions of the Letter of Verrazano, the critic
must bear in mind the fact that neither version proposes to be more than

THE LETTER OF VERRAZANO 69

a translation of a copy of a copy, the original not being found. The
origin of the Carli version is explained by the letter referred to, written
August 4th, 1524, at Lyons, by Fernando Carli, who says that, with his
own, addressed to his father at Florence, he sends a copy of Verrazano's,
describing the voyage, then just finished.

An attempt has also been made to prove that upon August 4th
Carli could not have obtained a copy of a letter addressed to Francis I.
in the beginning of July; but there is nothing in it. On the other hand,
the notion that Ramusio created his version from Carli's is not supported
by any argument. It is, in fact, an assumption that might be dismissed,
for the reason that it is an assumption. But what is worse, it is opposed
and refuted by all the literary testimony that is brought to bear upon this
distinctly literary question. To this point, therefore, let us give our at-
tention. The style of Ramusio's version is less rude than the Carli ver-
sion, but mere improvement in style could not have been an object in this
case. If it were true that Ramusio knew of the existence of the Carli
version, with its cosmographical appendix and accompanying letter, he
would have been guilty of falsehood in speaking of his copy alone as " this
little that has reached us."

Some of the differences in the two versions have been noticed, and
have been referred to as unimportant, which in a sense is true. Those
that are to be pointed out for the first time are likewise unimportant in
themselves. They become of consequence only when studied in con-
nection with the assumption that the version of Ramusio was drawn from
Carli's.

Amongst the variations already noted are the following : Ramusio's
version, describing the natives, in latitude 34 N., says that they were
" brownish and not much unlike Saracens," while Carli's version says,
" black and not much different from Ethiopeans." Again, with reference
to the grapes referred to by Verrazano, Ramusio's version reads, " hav-
ing often seen the fruit thereof dried, which was sweet and pleasant,"
the Carli version saying, " we have often seen the grapes which they pro-
duce, very sweet and pleasant," or, as another translation of the same
version reads, " tasting the fruit many times, we perceived it was sweet
and pleasant." Again the Ramusio version says, with reference to the
northern extension of the voyage, " We approached the land that in
times past was discovered by the Bretons, which is in fifty degrees,"
while the Carli version says that they reached the fiftieth degree, and
that " beyond this point the Portuguese had already sailed as far north
as the Arctic circle." That there is anything in the Carli version demand

yo THE LETTER OF VERRAZANO

ing change, is simply imagination ; while a careful consideration of the
Ramusio version shows that the ideas expressed are not essentially different
from the former. There is, therefore, nothing here to indicate that Ramu-
sio ever saw the Carli version. The color of the American Indians was
well known ; the term employed in the Carli version for tasting the grapes
(beendo, sucking) was the one to be employed in tasting dried fruits ; while,
with respect to the extent of the Portuguese and French voyages, Carli
says that the former began at 50 N., and Ramusio teaches, in substance,
that the French reached that latitude. Let us, therefore, consider cer-
tain variations that are more to the point.

In the Ramusio version the reader will notice that the personal address
to the King is used oftener than in that of Carli, and that the former is
also different. Ramusio generally says, " your Majesty " (Vostra Maestd)
and Carli, " your most serene and most Christian Majesty" {Vostra ser-
ninissima et cristianissima Maesta). In two cases the former's version
varies from " your Majesty," by adding Christianissima Re, in parenthesis,
or simply Christianissimo. In Ramusio the address occurs eleven times,
and in the Carli version seven times ; and since no reason can be assigned
for such variations on the part of Ramusio, they cannot be attributed to
him. The Venetian Secretary was a man with a purpose. Besides,
these examples of the excessive use of terms occur in the early portion
of the Letter, while farther on, where literary taste or courtesy might
suggest the interpolation of " your Majesty," the address is wanting.
This is something that Ramusio would have noticed, since, according to
the objector, he even changed the version of Carli from Vostra clarissima
genetrice to vostra Serenissima Madre. Here, however, if Ramusio had been
engaged in revising the text, we might reasonably expect the courtly
Venetian Secretary, trained as he was in the careful use of forms, to have
said your Majesty s illustrious mother.

This was so clear to Dr. Coggswell, that in translating he supplied
the term omitted by both of the clumsy versions, and he writes " your
Majesty's illustrious mother." (N. Y. Hist. Coll. Vol. I. p. 46, C. 19.)
In another place he reduces the verbiage of " your most serene and Chris-
tian Majesty," to " your Majesty." But in these cases he is translating,
not revising, and he gives the original for comparison. In translating
from Ramusio, Hakluyt, by mistake, once introduces " your Majesty "
where it does not belong. The variations in the two texts under consid-
eration are, therefore, the works either of Verrazano himself or his trans-
lators and copyists.

THE LETTER OF VERRAZANO 7 1

Again Carli's version says, " we set sail from a desert rock," while
Ramusio reads, " by the grace of God we set sail." The former says that
there was a certain depth of water " without flux or reflux," {Senza flusso
e reflusso) which is good enough Tuscan, while the latter says, " without
flux" (senza flusso). These variations are trifling in themselves, but they
are of a character which forbids us to refer them to the Venetian. Like-
wise, Carli says that the woods in America are not like "the rough
wilds of Scythia," while Ramusio says, "the wild deserts of Tartary."
Again, in speaking of the resemblance of a part of the American coast to
the shores of the Adriatic, the Carli version reads, " the Adriatic gulf
near Illyria and Dalmatia," while the Ramusio version says " Sclavonia
and Dalmatia." 1 Scythia was included in Tartary, and Illyria was
inhabited by Sclavonians, who were widely distributed. The terms
employed are such as might properly be used by two translators, while
those of Ramusio are manifestly not the terms that would have been
substituted by a critic engaged in making improvements.

Carli says, referring to Verrazano's preliminary expedition, "we made
a cruise in them [the ships] well armed along the coast of Spain, as your
Majesty must have heard," while Ramusio reads, si we took our course
along the coast of Spain, as your Majesty shall understand by the profit
we received thereby." 2 Sound criticism will not refer these changes to
Ramusio.

It is also to be noticed that Carli's version says of the voyage, that
the first twenty-five days Verrazano sailed in a westerly direction, mak-
ing eight hundred leagues, while Ramusio says five hundred leagues.
Then the former says a storm came February 24th, while the latter says
the 20th. After the storm, Carli's version says that they ran four hun-
dred leagues in twenty-four days, while Ramusio's says twenty-five. In
speaking of the distance run upon the American coast, Carli's version
reads, " seven hundred " leagues, while Ramusio's reads, " seven hundred
or more. At the same time the courses given by the latter foot up only
six hundred and sixty-five. Again, Carli's version, speaking of the wind
during the first course sailed westward, the following language is used :
" Sailing westward with a light and pleasant easterly breeze," {per zeffiro
spirando subsolano con dolce e soave levita^) while Ramusio's says: " Sailing
westward with a fair easterly wind," {per Ponente navigando con vento di
Levante assai piacevole.) All this is attributed to a scholar and critic
improving the version !

But we have not done with these variations, for the Carli version
after describing the natives seen at their first landing in latitude 34 N ,

72 THE LETTER OF VERRAZANO

says, " We found not far from these people another whose mode of life we
judge to be similar." The version of Ramusio adds to this, " as hereafter
I will declare to your- Majesty, showing- now the situation and nature of
the aforesaid land." If Ramusio worked over the Carli version to pro-
duce his own, he must have interpolated this sentence. And if so, why ?
If any changes were made, they were designed to render the sense clearer,
or to remove objections. But this addition does neither. The latter
limb of the sentence is superfluous, while at the same time, it refers to
nothing found in either the Letter or Appendix, and on the whole, ob-
scures the text. It might indeed be said that the phrase indicated an in-
tention to write an additional Letter, but it is more reasonable, however,
to understand him as intending to describe the " other people " in their
proper place in the present communication. In that case, the explana-
tion of the omission to do so is simple. At the end of the voyage Verra-
zano wrote to the King, currente calamo, depending in this general
account more or less upon recollection. When he came to speak of the
people first seen, by the law of association, they suggested a similar people
not far distant ; but, as the description of the country occupied by the
former demanded the first place, he proceeded to his work in regular
order, simply observing that hereafter he would describe the second
people. In the end, however the subject was forgotten, or else he
changed his mind. To say that the unkept promise was interpolated by
Ramusio is idle. Here is found a mental action that could scarcely hap-
pen in the case of a forger constructing an imaginary narrative. It is one
of those internal evidences that stamp the Letter as genuine ; for it was
written out of a mind overflowing with information. There is no halting
or forced action, but a multitude of facts are pressing up for statement at
the same time. A similar peculiarity is shown further on, by an example
that occurs in both versions, where the writer, speaking of the tempera-
ture being colder than in Rome, says that it is accidental, " as I will here-
after declare to your Majesty," a promise also not kept. This double
omission alone proves that the two versions must be referred to a third.
We say again, therefore, that the peculiar action of the writer's mind
indicates the authentic character of the composition ; while a candid
consideration of all the variations renders it impossible to suppose that
the version of Ramusio was worked over from Carli's. This and the
kindred assumption, that the Discourse of the Dieppe Captain was
changed to agree with the Florentine's, fall together. The charge of
dishonesty on the part of Ramusio has no foundation whatsoever
in fact.

THE LETTER OF VERRAZANO 73

Where, then, it will be asked, did Ramusio obtain his version ? This
is a question with which we need not consider, yet as a matter of interest
we may show that it was derived originally from the French. On
this point we have the testimony of Pinello, who, writing in 1629, speaks
of the Relation of Verrazano, detailing what he " discovered north of
Florida." This Relation, it is distinctly said, was in French, and he sup-
poses that it was translated by Ramusio into Italian. 3 It is also stated
that a Spanish translation by one Taxandra existed. 4 Pinello was a
Peruvian, who went to Spain expressly to pursue historical and biblio-
graphical studies, in which he was eminently successful. In recognition
of his services he was made honorary Judge of the Admiralty at Seville.
He wrote more than two centuries and a half ago, and must be credited
with a knowledge of the subject. It is apparent that he had information
respecting Verrazano that is not accessible now, and when he says that
the French version was the basis of that given by Ramusio the statement
may be accepted. Alcedo, a Spanish author, vouched for by Mr. Smith
as of " good repute," also refers to a French version of the Letter in his
MS. Biblioteca Americana, now in the Carter-Brown Library at Providence >
"escrita en Diepa en frances a 8 de julio, de 1524; " in connection with
which Mr. Smith admits that if the original Letter was written in French,
it would account for the marked difference in style and language of the
two translations into Italian.

From the testimony of these writers, as well as from the very nature
of the case, it follows that a version of Verrazano's Letter existed in
French, independent of the abstracts given by French compilers. To
deny the statement of Pinello, would be to assume a superior knowledge.
Assumption, however, will not avail, and the testimony of this remote
and unprejudiced writer will stand. The version referred to must have
been obtained at an early period by the Spanish spies and agents who, as
is well known, infested all the ports of France at the period when the
voyage was made. This version probably exists to-day at Seville. The
Spaniards kept themselves informed respecting Verrazano. Martyr calls
attention to his piracies 5 and Gomera mentions his exploits in 1553. 8 A
quarter of a century before Pinello's work appeared, Herrera made an
abstract of the Voyage of Verrazano, evidently from the French version
of the former. 7

The Letter of Verrazano, after its publication in 1556, was not referred
to in any printed work now known until 1563, when Hakluyt (Divers
Voyages p. 91) translated Ribault's voyage to Florida, written the year
before. Ribault possessed some account of Verrazano's Voyage, though

74 THE LETTER OF VERRAZANO

his statements differ slightly from Ramusio's. If any inference is made,
it must be that Ribault possessed a French version, and not the Italian of
Ramusio. Ribault was born at Dieppe, a rendezvous of Verrazano, who
is described as " of Normandy " as well as "of Rochella." In his younger
days he was doubtless familiar with the form of the well known Floren-
tine Navigator, as he went and came amongst the sailors and citizens of
this ancient town, and was acquainted with his exploits.

Next is Laudoniere, 1566, who, in speaking of the Navigator, contra-
dicts both Ramusio and the Dieppe Captain of 1539; the former with
respect to the latitude reached at the South, and the latter where he says
that the Portuguese call the New World " La Francese," Laudoniere
calling it " Terra Francisca." The latter variation is simply verbal, yet
as slight as it may be it is the only indication at hand. Whatever it may
be worth, it does not prove that he drew his account from the Italian.
It has been said that Laudoniere makes the same mistake as the
Dieppe Captain in associating Louise, the Regent, with the voyage.
But in fact neither errs. The title of Regent is recognized as a
title that belonged to her. There is nothing whatever to indicate
that the title belonged to her in 1524, or that, as Regent, Louise
had anything to do with the voyage. The reference to the Letter in
Belleforest (1570 p. 75) and Lescorbot (1609) are consonant with the ver-
sion of Ramusio. This, however, supports the statement of Pinello, that
Ramusio translated from the French. Belleforest certainly did not get
from Ramusio the statement made in 1570 that Verrazano died in 1524;
or the fact that the Island called Claudia was properly "Loise" If it be
said that the original French has disappeared, the same is true of the dis-
course of the Dieppe Captain, besides Ribault's Journal and many other
documents.

But let us inquire if there appears to be any other testimony hitherto
overlooked which indicates a French version of the Letter. Some-
thing of this kind possibly exists in the Cosmographic of Jehan Allefonsce,
the Pilot of Roberval in 1542.

The treatise of Allefonsce was finished November 24th, 1545, or two
years before the death of Frances I., to whom it was dedicated. Alle-
fonsce himself died before it was completed, and the task was finished
by his friend, Raulin Secalart, as was attested at the time. In this Cosmog-
raphic, so-called, there are certain indications showing the possible influence
of Verrazano. Something of the kind might be expected, from the fact
that Allefonsce followed the sea twenty years before, and as many
after, the voyage of Verrazano. He probably knew all of the navigators

THE LETTER OF VERRAZANO

and privateersmen of France who were worth knowing. Besides, he
shows the influence of the Verrazano Map in his own sketches, his Bay
of the Isles being the same as the Florentine's Bay of Refuge, a fact to be
pointed out in connection with the map illustrating Verrazano's Voyage.
That Allefonsce knew Verrazano will hardly be denied, though instead
of Verrazano, he once mentions Cartier, his work being simply sailing
directions "by the aid of which pilots may find unknown countries."
Indeed, Allefonsce does not even mention his own voyage to Canada as
the Pilot of Roberval. In what way, then, does he indicate his acquaint-
ance with Verrazano ? This is accomplished, if at all, by what is possibly
a plagiarism. Allefonsce was neither an original nor a skillful writer,
and, therefore, finding some descriptions in the Letter of Verrazano that
served his purpose, it is possible that he used them with such variations
and additions as circumstances required. This was the case with Gosnold's
scribes in 1602, though the fact exhibited by the present writer in
the New England Historical Genealogical Register (January 1873) had
never before been pointed out. Gosnold and his colaborers, however, had
Hakluyt's English translation of Verrazano and wrote in English. On
the other hand, the French version probably used by Allefonsce is want-
ing, and we are not able to place the French of the two writers side by
side. Hence the verbal resemblances, so noticeable in Gosnold and other
English plagiarists of the Florentine are lost. But the indentity of ideas
remain. In compiling his account of the new found world, Allefonsce
desired to make the most of his subject, and at one point he turns
from the north to take a general survey of the country. In doing this he
defines the boundaries, saying that Hochelaga, included in the Patent of
1542, extended south-west as far as Figuier, thus including the entire
region visited by Verrazano. Then he seems to turn to the Letter, and
to use the general account of the country, seeking to combine in one glow-
ing picture the attractions found from Canada to the Gulf of Mexico.
Here he transposes the order observed by Verrazano in two or three in-
stances. In the narrative of Allefonsce the forests are described after
mentioning the situation of the country, while the subject of gold is put
before it. Allefonsce makes an extravagant allusion to the gold of Cibola,
because at the time he wrote the fabulous wealth of that region was ex-
citing all minds.

After readjusting these two topics, the rest stand almost parallel with
the order observed by Verrazano. Supposing this done, it may be noted,
first, that the Florentine says that the " East " stretches around this coun-
try, while Allefonsce thinks that this is " the utmost bounds of Asia."
The latter says that these countries " border on Tartary," while Verra-

jb THE LETTER OF VERRAZANO

zano, in Ramusio's version, speaks of " the wild deserts of Tartary," and
both remark upon the productions of the East, the one speaking of
"medicinal" and "aromatic drugs," and the other of the medicinal
quality of the trees. Next they agree that the forests are both vast and
various, and that the country is gold bearing, the Florentine putting the
gold in or near latitude 34 N., and Allefonsce in 35 ° N., or the parallel
of Cibola. Afterwards both writers mention quadrupeds and birds in
immediate connection, closing up that topic in a similar way, Verrazano
saying " many other similar [beasts] and with a great variety of birds for
every kind of pleasant and delightful sport," Allefonsce adding to his
account, " various other sorts of birds and beasts." The succeeding topic
is the water supply, and this opens the way to speak of the climate, of
which Allefonsce cannot give so good an account as Verrazano, being
obliged to generalize in speaking of the North and South at the same
time. Then follow the winds and the rain and the disposition made by
nature of the general humidity. Verrazano says the prevalent winds of
Summer are north-west, with a clear sky and " but little rain," while Alle-
fonsce agrees that the west wind " brings no rain." Even in treating
the topic which might perhaps appear the least promising of all, Alle-
fonsce seems to be holding on to the thought of the Florentine, which
here concerns the disposition that nature makes of the moisture in the
atmosphere. On reaching this point he realizes that he is in a high
northern region, and must come directly to the point, not discussing " all
these regions." Therefore, instead of saying with Verrazano, who was
speaking of summer skies, that the sun dissipated the moisture, he tells
his reader in substance, that the moisture, which is so dense as to be
styled rain, is frozen in the winter time, and falls to the earth in the form
of snow. Here he reaches the end of his list of subjects ; but still he
has not finished, having failed to do justice to the forests, which Verrazano
dwells upon with delight. Casting his eye over his manuscript, he seems
to perceive a deficiency, and adds after his account of the snow, " there
are also forests as beautiful as ever you could possibly see any where in the
world\ ,} which done he goes on with a description of the creatures that
were found in the Canadian Sea, coloring his narrative by the aid of the
second voyage of Cartier.

Let the reader study these two accounts side by side, and he will
perhaps find that the coincidences are too striking to admit the sugges-
tion that they are the result of accident. Verrazano, apparently, was
known to Allefonsce. He used the order as a matter of convenience,
endeavoring at the same time to warm the climate of Canada by associat-
ing it with the entire country from the South- For the convenience of

THE LETTER OF VERRAZANO

the reader the langauge of the two writers has been given in parallel
columns, the chief points being italicised. An extract from Barlow's de-
scription of North Carolina in 1584 is also inserted, to show that he drew
on Verrazano in a similar manner, though " Master Winter " gets the credit.
A detached extract of Verrazano's Letter is added to throw light upon
the remark of Allefonsce concerning La Rochelle, which appears to have
been suggested by Verrazano's remark about the parallel of Rome.

VERRAZANO

Ascending farther, we found several
arms of the Sea which make through in-
lets, washing the shore on both sides as
the coast runs. An outstretched coun-
try appears at a little distance rising
somewhat above the sandy shore in
beautiful fields and broad plains, covered
with immense forests of trees more or less
dense, too various in colors and too de-
lightful and charming in appearance to
be described. I do not believe that
these are like the Hercynian forest or
the rough wilds of Scythia [Tartary] and
the northern regions full of vines and
common trees, but adorned with palms,
laurels, cypresses and other varieties un-
known in Europe, that send fourth sweet-
est fragrance to a great distance, but
which we could not examine more closely
for the reason before given, and not on
account of any difficulty in traversing the
woods, which, in this country are easily
penetrated.

As the "East" stretches around this
country, I think it cannot be void of the
same medici?ial and aromatic drugs and
various riches of gold and the like, as de-
noted by the color of the ground. It
abounds also in animals, as deer, stags,
hares and many other similar, and with
a great variety of birds for every kind
of pleasant and delightful sport ; It is
plentifully supplied with lakes and ponds
of running water ; and being in latitude

BARLOW

This island hath many goodly woods
full of Deere, Conies, Hares, and Fowle,
rove in the middest of summers in incred-
ible abundance. The woods are not
such as you find in Bohemia, Moscovia,
or Hercynia, barren and fruitless, but the
highest and reddest cedars in the world,
far bettering the Cedars of the Azores,
of the Indies or Lybanus, Pynes, Cypres,
Sassaphras, the Lentisk, or tree that
beareth the Masticke, the tree that bear-
eth the rine of blacke Sinnamon, of
which Master Winter brought from the
streights of Magellan, and many others
of excellent smell and qualitie. [Hak.
III. p. 246.]

ALLEFONSCE

It is said that the inhabitants of the
country pretend that in a country called
Cibola, in latitude 35 IV. , all the houses
are covered with gold and Silver,
and they use nothing but gold and Silver
vessels. These countries border on Tar-
tary, and I think this is the utmost bounds
of Asia, (acording to the Spericity of
the globe, and therefore I think it would
be well to have a small vessel of about
seventy tons burden, with a view to ex-
plore the coast of Florida. I have my-
self been in a boy as high up as 42 be-
tween Norumbega and Florida without
finding the bottom, and I do not know
whether it extends any farther.) In all

THE LETTER OF VERRAZANO

34 the air is salubrious, pure and
temperate, and free from extremes of
both heat and cold. There are no vio-
lent winds in these regions, the most pre-
valent are the north-west and west. In
the Summer, the season in which we
were there, the sky is clear with but little
rain. If fogs and mists are at any time
driven in by the south winds, they are
instantly dissipated, and at once it be-
comes bright again.

This region is situated in the parallel
of Rome, being in 41 ° 40/ of north lati-
tude, but much colder from accidental
circumstances and not by nature.

these regions there are great quantities of
timber of various kinds, such as oaks,
ash, cedar, cypress, dwarf holly and arbor
vita, which are of Medicinal quality.
They have some timber almost as white
as snow, and common pine, of which
they make Ship's masts, aspen trees, birch
resembling cherry tree, also very large
cedars, hickory and small nut trees.
There have also been found red plums
resembling what are call Coubrejean.
There are also large wild peas, as well as
gooseberries and strawberries. More-
over you find many wild animals such as
deer, roe bucks, porcupines, bustards,
cranes, wild geese, owls, turtle doves,
crows, ravens, and various other sorts of
birds and beasts. (Small snakes are also
found such as you may see in France.
And the Savages say that unicornes are
also found. Whatever is sown here re-
quires but two or three days to spring
up. So well does grain thrive here, that
have myself counted twenty-six Kernels
in a Single year of the same sort which
Jacques Cartier has sown. So rich is the
ground that if you sow in March your
crop will be ripe in the middle of August.
The water is much better here than in
France, and my impression is that if the
land were worked as as it should be and
thickly settled, it would be quite as warm
as at La Rochelle. The frequent snows
that fall here, are owing to the fact that
when it rains the rain is speedily turned
into snow. Rain does not occur here ex-
cept with the East wind ; the west wind
brings no rain. With the north wind there
comes abundance of snow : From Novem-
ber to February it snows constantly and so
hard that the snow is often six feet deep
There are also forests as beautiful as you.
could possibly see any where in the world.

THE LETTER OF VERRAZANO

Such is this curious piece of testimony trom the CosmograpJiic of Alle-
fonsce ; the reader will judge of its worth. Beyond question it is worthy
of consideration ; for though the extracts given contain two or three sen-
tences not strictly connected with the subject, the thread of thought is
identical with that of the Florentine. 8 It therefore appears reasonable
to suppose that Verrazano's Letter existed in the French language in
France twelve years before its publication by Ramusio ; since it cannot
be said that Verrazano plagiarised the narrative of Allefonsce, or that
both made use of a third writer to us unknown.

By a curious coincidence, Hakluyt, in borrowing from Verrazano to
illustrate his Discourse on " Westerne Planting," (Maine Coll. s. 2. vol.
II., p. 22) uses substantially the same portions supposed to have been used
by Allefonsce for the same purpose. Many instances of similarity in de-
scription could be given, since in describing the productions and charac-
teristic of a country, writers are inclined to follow the order of topics
often pursued in connection with natural history, yet such a reference of
this example would not prove satisfactory. Buckingham Smith in his
Inquiry (p. 7) summarises the passages supposed to have been used by
Allefonsce ; while so striking are the descriptions that in the Mercator of
Hondius (Amsterdam 161 1) we find them taken at second hand from
Barlow, whose plagiarism has already been quoted. The work in ques-
tion says (p. 371) " Maiselles ne sont comme in Boheme, Moscovie, ny
Hyrcanie chauves et steriles," &c. There is, therefore, something in
the Letter of Verrazano that various writers have very naturally laid
hold upon, which may have been the case with Allefonsce. Whatever
view the reader may take of this part of the discussion, the main argu-
ment remains ; for it is demonstrated, apart from the constructive argu-
ment concerning Allefonsce, that the two known versions of Verrazano
must be referred to an earlier version as their common source, and that
the Letter was known in France at the time of Francis I. That Cartier
should be mentioned by Allefonsce may appear to be opposed to the
argument; yet the most painstaking examination will not afford any
proof of that Cartier furnished his description.

The probability that the Letter of Verrazano was known to Allefonsce
is strengthened by the fact that another French writer of that period
makes a distinct reference to the voyage of the Florentine. This is the
author of what is called, " the Discourse of a great Sea-Captain, a French-
man of the town Dieppe," written in 1539, and published by Ramusio in
1556, in the same work that contains the Letter of Verrazano. This Dis-
course gives a general description of the North American Continent, and

80 THE LETTER OF VERRAZANO

says, " following beyond the Cape of Brettons there is a land contiguous
to the said cape, the coast whereof extends west by south-west as far as
the land of Florida, and it runs full 500 leagues, which coast was discov-
ered fifteen years ago, by Messer Giovanni du Verrazzano in the name
of King Francis and Madame the Regent, and this land is called by
many la Francese." This Discourse was written by some one in the
Expedition of Parmentier to Sumatra, 1529, and its authenticity has never
been questioned. The original, like that of the Verrazano Letter, has dis-
appeared, and though possibly traces of it may yet be found in Spain,
where the French copy of Verrazano's Letter existed, probably having
been drawn from France during the life time of Francis I. To repeat
the charge that the reference to the Letter of Verrazano in the Discourse
of the Dieppe Captain was interpolated by Ramusio can not be tol-
erated, since the whole theory of interpolation has been destroyed, by
the demonstration of the fact that the version of the Verrazano Letter
given by Ramusio was not and could not have been worked over from the
version of Carli. There being no evidence therefore to the contrary,
the recognition of Verrazano by the Dieppe Captain in 1539 must stand.
In a subsequent chapter it will be demonstrated that the Map of Hie-
ronimo da Verrazano, made in 1529, is alone capable of proving that the
Letter of Giovanni existed prior to that date, and that the Map was based
upon the descriptions of the Letter. It will thus appear that the theory
that this Letter was the forgery of a later period, or about the year 1 540,
and intended to flatter the civic pride of Florence, will not hold. It
shuts up the mind to insuperable objections, and makes too great a
claim upon our faith. It requires us to believe that the forgers under-
took their work while Francis I. was still alive ; that no precautions were
taken to prevent its publication in 1556, when the seaports were full of
men who could have denied the claim had it been false ; it is to sup-
pose that untravelled Florentines possessed exact knowledge of the con-
dition of New England ; it is to suppose that Ramusio, the learned
Secretary of the Venetian Council, conspired, independently of the orig-
inal movers, to aid the deception and flatter the pride of a rival city ; and
that the Florentines deliberately selected one for their hero who, accord-
ing to the objecter's theory, perished infamously upon the gallows, or
else that they adopted his name without investigating his history and
ultimate fate. It is easier to believe in the authenticity of the Letter
of Verrazano. Another article will discuss the Voyage.

B. F. DE COSTA

THE LETTER OF VERRAZANO 8 1

1 The Sclavonians were spread far and and wide, but the true country of Sclavonia formed
a part of Hungary then as now. It is depicted on Verrazano's map, and is not represented as
extending to the coast. Illyria was called Slavonia, only because occupied by a Slav population.

5 It is remarkable that Hakluyt, in his first translation of Verrazano's letter (15S2), acci-
dentally omitted the clause that is omitted by Carli, "by the profit we received thereby," yet it
is imagined that this could not possibly be an omission by Carli, but that it must be an interpo-
lation of Ramusio's ! That Ramusio interpolated the language "by the profit we receive there-
by," with reference to the ships from Mexico, is indefensible, since it is absurd to suppose
that at the late period of July 8, 1524, Verrazano would attempt to convey any obscure
information respecting an event that was notorious in both France and Spain. In the cruise
referred to he had only two ships, while in capturing the treasure ships he had six. The cruise
on the coast of Spain was simply an episode in the voyage begun with four ships expressly to
explore, and which was finally prosecuted with one.

3 In the " Epitome de la Biblioteca Oriental i Occidental Nautica i Geografica," by Antonio
de Leon Pinello, Madrid, 1627, p. 79, are the following entries :

" Ivan Verrazano. Relacion de lo que descubrio al Septemtrion de la Floride, en F races."
" Ivan Baptista Ramusio la traduxo i la imprimio en tomo 3."

4 " Ivan Verrazano. Descripcion del nuevo Orbe, segun Taxandra." " Epitome," p. 171.
The edition of 1738, T. II. p. 620, states, in addition, that Lescarbot followed Ramusio,
" esta resumida en Marco Lescarbot." In this edition the editor departs from the primitive
orthography of the Florentine's name, which Pinello gives correctly. That the French and
Spanish versions existed a considerable time prior to 1627 is evident from the fact that Herrera
(Dec. Ill, L. VI. C. IX.) gave an abstract of Verrazano's Letter. That Herrera translated from
Ramusio there is no proof. The Letter was evidently well known in Spain. Alcedo, in his un-
published Biblioteca Americana, which has a brief notice of the life of Verrazano, gives of his
writings : " Relacion des descubrimiento que hijo al Septemtrion de la Florida en noumbre de S.
M. Cristianisima : Escrita en Diepa en Frances a 8 de Julio, de 1524. Idem — Traducida en
Italiano eh la Colecion de Ramusio." From the MS. (Carter-Brown Library,) Vol. II., p. 890.

5 Epis. 774. Ed. 1530. Dated Nov. 10, 1522.

6 " La Conquista" de 1553, fol. LXXXVII. See in these connections M. Brevoort's "Verra-
zano," &c.

7 Dec. III., L. iii. C. IX.

8 The General account of the country by Verrazano includes eleven points, all of which are
used by Allefonsce, who amplified the most of them and reduces others, after expressing the same
minute shades of thought. The identity of the two descriptions will appear ihe more clearly by
changing the gold mentioned by Verrazano from the four t h to the first place, noting here that
both writers place the gold in practically the same parallel. The order thus observed by each
writer will be as here indicated ; topics 2, 3, 4, and 9, 10, 11 being closely associated with another.

Verrazano Allefonsce.

1. Gold. 1. Gold.

2. Forest (varied). 2. Asia (the East).

3. The ' ' East " (Asia). 3. Forest (varied).

4. Medicinal qualities. 4. Medicinal qualities.

5. Animals (varied). 5. Animals (varied).

6. Birds (varied). 6. Birds (varied).

7. The water supply. 7. The water supply.

8. The temperature. 8. The temperature.

9. Winds. 9. Rains.

10. Rains. 10. Winds.

11. General humidity (moisture dissipated II. General humidity (moisture changed to snow),
by the sun).

OBSERVATIONS ON THE DIGHTON ROCK INSCRIPTION

In an article on the lately discovered Davenport tablets (published in
Vol. II. of the Proceedings of the Davenport Academy of Natural
Sciences), Dr. R. J. Farquharson enumerates the inscribed stones found in
this country, including among them the celebrated Dighton Rock, near
the mouth of Taunton River in Massachusetts. This rock, as is well
known, bears an Indian pictograph, which has been quite plausibly inter-
preted for Mr. Schoolcraft by Chingwauk, an intelligent Algonkin In-
dian. He threw out, however, several characters, stating that they had
no significance ; and some of these, in connection with others actually
explained by him, have been thought to form a runic inscription denot-
ing the arrival of the Northmen in the present State of Massachusetts
several centuries before the Columbian discovery. The translation, as
given by Professor Finn Magnusen, of Copenhagen, runs thus :
" 151 Northmen under Thorfinn took possession of this land."

Dr. Farquharson says in his article : " As this reading accords almost
exactly with the long lost and recently found Saga of Thorfinn Karlsefn,
and is accepted by the French runologists, it may be accepted as the true
one."

" The confidence inspired by this successful reading," he continues,
" induced the Royal Society of Antiquarians of Denmark to purchase
this rock, and arrangements were very recently being made to remove
it to Copenhagen. The excitement caused by this movement culminated
lately in a public meeting at Boston, and other arrangements were there
made by which this important monument of our early history is to be pre-
served and transported to that city. In consideration of this concession
on the part of the Danish antiquaries, a granite monument is to be
erected on the spot now occupied by the engraved rock, thus to com-
memorate the landing here in 1007 of Thorfinn, as narrated in the Saga,
and in the inscription, as read by Magnusen."

If such is really the case, the good citizens of Boston may rejoice in
the prospect of two grand celebrations with the usual accompaniments of
flag-waving, speeches and other proceedings characteristic of such occa-
sions. But would it not be well for them to pause before they carry
out their plan of placing a monument at the mouth of Taunton River,
and to consider whether the Danish runologist's interpretation can stand
the test of scrutiny ? If not, they run the risk of commemorating some-
thing that probably never happened. It is not surprising that a people

OBSERVATIONS ON THE DIGHTON ROCK INSCRIPTION 83

to whom, owing to the short duration of its existence, the romantic ele-
ment of an ancient history is denied, should evince an inclination to
acquiesce in the acceptance of a vaguely intimated occurrence to which
the character of a historical fact cannot be attributed. Yet such a tend-
ency is totally at variance with the spirit of keen inquiry characterizing
our time, and therefore should not be fostered, but should be made to
yield to the dictates of sober judgment. I leave for a moment the
Dighton Rock inscription, and its interpretation by Finn Magnusen, in
order to make some statements concerning another attempt of the same
gentleman at deciphering runes.

The venerable chronicler, Saxo Grammaticus, gives an account of a
great battle fought in Sweden on Braavalle heath, close to the boundary
of Oestergotland and Sodermanland. The contest was between King
Harold Hildetand of Denmark and the Swedish King Sigurd Ring,
the first of whom was slain in the battle, which is supposed to have
been fought about the year 700 of our era. A runic inscription relating
to this battle was said to be engraved on a rock in the Swedish province
of Bleking. The rock is called " Runamo " by the people of the neigh-
borhood. The spot was visited at different periods by antiquaries, but
none of them attempted to explain the marks supposed to be runes. In
the year 1833, however, the Royal Danish Academy of Sciences con-
cluded to send a committee of scientists to the spot, to investigate the
subject thoroughly and report with regard to it. Professor Finn Mag-
nusen was a member of the committee. As it would be foreign to my
purpose to describe the operations of these gentlemen in detail, I come
at once to the point by stating that in 1841 Professor Magnusen pub-
lished an illustrated quarto work of 742 pages, under the title Runamo
og Runerne, the principal feature of which is his translation of the marks
on Runamo Rock. He made out the following inscription :

Hildekind occupied the empire

Gard cut in (the runes)

Ole gave oath (oath of allegiance)

(May) Odin hallow the runes

(May) Ring fall

On this earth

Alfs, lovegods

(Hate) Ole

Odin and Freja

And Aser's descendants

(May) destroy our enemies

Grant Harold

A great victory

84 OBSERVATIONS ON THE DIGHTON ROCK INSCRIPTION

As will be seen, the purport of the inscription is an invocation against
the enemies of Hildetand, whose name, however, is read " Hildekind."
The runes, Professor Magnusen states, are of an intricate character, and
must be read from right to left. But now comes the reverse of the
medal.

In the year 1842, and afterward in 1844, the Runamo Rock was vis-
ited for the purpose of examination by the distinguished Danish archaeo-
logist, J. J. A. Worsaae — the second time in the company of an artist,
who took different views of the locality. Again, I cannot enlarge on
Mr. Worsaae's most thorough investigations, but must confine myself to
a statement of the final result he obtained, namely, that there is no runic
inscription whatever on Runamo Rock, and that the marks considered as runes
by Finn Magnusen are simply the natural cracks on the decayed surface of a
trap dike filling up a rent in a granitic formation.

The arguments brought forward by Mr. Worsaae are to me abso-
lutely convincing, and cannot fail to produce the same effect on every
unbiased reader who peruses his amply illustrated work on the subject.
It appeared in 1844 at Copenhagen under the title Runamo og Braavalle-
slaget. Et Bidrag til archczologisk Kritik, or " Runamo and the Braavalle
Battle. A Contribution to Archaeological Criticism." The work was
translated into the German language under the author's supervision, and
published in 1847 a t Leipzig as the second part of a highly illustrated
quarto volume, entitled Zur Alterthumskunde des Nor dens. A copy of
this translation (perhaps the only one in the United States) is in my pos-
session, and may be inspected by any one particularly interested in the
subject.

I should not omit to state that Mr. Worsaae speaks throughout the
work in terms of the highest consideration of his colleague, Professor
Finn Magnusen ; yet his personal regard could not prevent him from
exposing the grave erro^ of this meritorious scholar, who allowed him-
self to be led astray by a too lively imagination. 1

In view of the foregoing it may be pertinently inquired : What con*
fidence can be placed in Magnusen's interpretation of the Dighton Rock
inscription? Any one who will take the trouble to examine in the pub-
lished drawings that part of the Dighton Rock inscription supposed to
be of Scandinavian origin, must perceive at once on what a shadowy
basis the presumption rests. Even Schoolcraft, who professes to believe
that the Northmen sculptured runes on Dighton Rock, could not con-
ceal his scruples as to the correctness of the translation furnished by
Professor Magnusen. I may revert to this subject in another article.

OBSERVATIONS ON THE DIGHTON ROCK INSCRIPTION 85

The evidences brought forward to prove in a tangible way the pres-
ence of the Vikings of the North in the so-called Vinland have certainly
thus far been very unsatisfactory. The " Skeleton in Armor " disentombed
near Fall River was doubtless that of an Indian, buried, perhaps at a com-
paratively late period, with some weapons and ornaments made of sheet
brass — a material with which the New England settlers are known to
have supplied the natives. The " Round Tower " at Newport, Rhode
Island, is. now considered as the substructure of a windmill, erected dur-
ing colonial times. For details, I refer to a curious little pamphlet, enti-
tled " The Controversy touching the Old Stone Mill in the Town of
Newport, Rhode Island" (Newport, 185 1). What will be thought of
the supposed Scandinavian inscription on Dighton Rock at some future
time, when pardonable credulity will have yielded to severer methods
of investigation?

All this, however, does not invalidate my belief that the Northmen
were the pre-Columbian discoverers of America.

CHARLES RAU

1 Mr. Worsaae is far from claiming the priority in the discovery that the marks on Runamo
Rock are not the work of man. According to his express statement, their true character had been
recognized by several antiquaries of the last century. In the present it was no lesser authority
than the celebrated Swedish chemist, Baron Berzelius, who, after inspecting the locality, pro-
nounced the marks on the rock to be due entirely to natural causes — an opinion in which he was
supported by Professor Sven Nilsson, the veteran archaeologist of Sweden.

PARKMAN'S FRENCH COLONIZATION AND EMPIRE
IN NORTH AMERICA

Mr. Parkman has appropriated to himself alike in purpose and in most
faithful and successful dealing with it, an historical theme of the broadest
and most profound interest in the whole range of subjects which con-
nect European and American enterprise and annals on this continent.
Before he had reached the age of manhood, a strong inborn prompting
and proclivity had indicated to him a direction for reading, which led on
to study and research, and which was happily accompanied by tastes
and qualities, intellectual and physical, fitting him for arduous tasks
severer than any of those of the study, but of prime necessity for the
accomplishment of his aim. The theme which engaged his thought and
his literary ambition was the History of French enterprise in explora-
tion and colonization in North America. His first purpose was to deal
with the tragic contest — called by us the Old French War — in which
French dominion here was closed by the triumph of British arms. An
after thought most naturally suggesting itself to him, as to all historians,
in the embarrassment for finding a beginning, a starting point, at which
to take up an episode or a conclusion in any extended series of incidents
vitally connected in continuous story, compelled Mr. Parkman to
contemplate a much broader and comprehensive theme. It was for him
to trace the origin, the struggles, the heroic, the romantic and vacillating
fortunes of that arduous enterprise for planting French dominion on this
continent, whose disastrous overthrow had only engaged his first purpose.
He had to work backwards on his rich and intensely interesting theme,
and we have yet to wait in his next promised volume for his dealing with
the culmination of the tragedy in " Montcalm and the Fall of New
France." A gap will then be left to be filled between the matter of that
volume and the one now in our hands.

The world is well acquainted with the series of volumes which for
a quarter of a century have been appearing from Mr. Parkman's pen,
and which in their steadily multiplying editions prove that they have
secured what is best in popularity among general readers, while they
have won for their author, at home and abroad, the grateful repute and
tribute of having no superior among recent historical writers in genius
and aptitude for his special work, or in the fidelity, the skill, the con-
summate ability and the noble impartiality with which he has treated
subjects involving diverse convictions and ardent feelings.

PARKMAN'S FRENCH COLONIZATION IN NORTH AMERICA 87

This last published volume stands as the fifth in the series of histori-
cal narratives under which he has treated parts of his full subject. The
previous volumes have born the titles of " Pioneers of France in the New
World," "The Jesuits in North America," " The Discovery of the Great
West," and " The Old Regime in Canada." " The History of the Con-
spiracy of Pontiac," though dealing with a later stage of the same long
tragedy of conflict, had appeared in print before the volumes just named.
Readers who have all the works in their hands for the enjoyment of a
first perusal may follow the order of time through them.

There is still one other volume of the author's containing a narrative
of personal adventure and experience in his early manhood, which may
be regarded as explaining to us his self training for the composition of
his historical works, so far as they required of him a knowledge of
wood-craft, of familiarity with the forest and the wilderness, the scenes
and incidents of life in wide roamings over the native woods, over moun-
tains and streams not yet reached by civilized man, and a familiar con-
verse with savage tribes in their own haunts, in their journeyings, their
revelries and their filthy lodges. This volume, under the title of the
" Oregon Trail," has many vivid and picturesque descriptions, with fresh
and charming and exciting relations of the author's pluck and endurance
for the sake of gratifying a keen craving to see and know what was to
be found only by seeking it at its prime sources.

The documentary materials which alone could furnish Mr. Parkman
with full and authentic information for his whole series of volumes, were
known to be abundant and rich, while it was reasonable to expect that
patient and thorough research would bring to light many valuable addi-
tions to what was gathered in archives or easily accessible in print. Still
the labor and cost involved in investigations, in securing original papers,
charts, maps, &c, and in obtaining copies of manuscripts, tracts and rare
journals, with the necessity of comparing discordant narratives, of dis-
tinguishing the elements of fact and fiction, and of interpreting writings
uncouth or well-nigh illegible, made a heavy exertion on the patience,
the purse, and the keen mental vigor of the author. Suffering and
enfeebled as he has been through his whole literary career, by maladies
which intensified his impulses to exertion and mental application, while
they limited the hours he could wisely give to reading or writing, he
has had to depend largely upon the helping pen or voice of others. He
has made repeated visits to France for the examination of the manuscript
collections of the French government, in the national archives, the
national library, and the archives of the Marine and the Colonies, with

88 PARKMAN'S FRENCH COLONIZATION IN NORTH AMERICA

other public and many private places of deposit for valuable documents,
and has sought out in the interior of the realm and in its ancient seaports
every trace and relic of those of whom he has to make record in his
pages. The journals, official relations and private letters of the Jesuit
Fathers, of the military and civil functionaries in Canada, and the cor-
respondence of Governors, Intendants and ecclesiastical dignitaries with
the King and the Ministry, have been brought into his service. The
reducing and digesting and verification of the bewildering mass of infor-
mation found in large parcels or in fragments in these papers was a task
requiring patience, skill and an acute discrimination. Other sources of
information there are in Canadian repositories, civil and ecclesiastical.
French, English and Dutch documents, which have been copied from
foreign archives at the expense of the governments of New York and
Massachusetts, existing still in manuscript or printed with more or less
careful editing, have been faithfully and discreetly used by Mr. Parkman
for subsidiary information and illustration. Each page of his finished
composition, while the elaboration of its matter has in no wise impaired
the vigor or grace of its style, attests the skillful condensation and diges-
tion of material gathered from various sources.

The most critical and difficult element of Mr. Parkman's task, in the
use of his abundant material, lay in the stress of his obligation to write
with fair appreciation of the zeal and efforts of profoundly earnest,
devout and heroic men whose self sacrifices and sufferings were spent in
labors in which he himself can engage no personal sympathy, while he
must regard them as futile and wasted, glorified only by the fervors of
their sincerity. Of course the difference is wide and complete between
the ideal and estimate of their work by the Jesuit Fathers, as they them-
selves present it in their Relations, and the exposition and comment upon
it by the historians, with whom the severest tests of reason take the place
of miracle and credulity. But he allows them to tell their own story,
to plead their own cause, to exhibit themselves, their aims, their zeal,
their all-enthralling devotion, their absolute self-renunciation, and their
calm heroic constancy, under the torturing agonies of their endurance,
in their own words.

Besides, what is especially applicable in these remarks to Mr. Park-
man's method of dealing with the spirit and the work of the Jesuit mis-
sionaries, his volumes throughout contain many damaging and humiliat-
ing exposures of the folly, the mismanagement, the jealousies, the tricks
and artifices of even the highest officials' of France in the New World,
and bring to light intrigues and corruptions which amuse while they

PARKMAN'S FRENCH COLONIZATION IN NORTH AMERICA 89

shock the reader, at the expense of those on whom they leave a stain.
Of such revelations as lay in the line of his duty to divulge, Mr. Parkman
wrote as follows in the Preface to his " Old Regime in Canada."

11 Some of the results here reached are of a character which I regret, since they
cannot be agreeable to persons for whom I have a very cordial regard. The con-
clusions drawn from the facts maybe matter of opinion ; but it will be remembered
that the facts themselves can be overthrown only by overthrowing the evidence on
which they rest, or bringing forward counter-evidence of equal or greater strength ;
and neither task will be found an easy one."

The criticism thus challenged, and which Mr. Parkman invites
also for his last volume, as well as for all the others in his series,
has thus far altered itself only in the qualification of the high and gen-
erous appreciation of his works by Jesuit and Canadian reviewers,
through the expression of a sincere regret that a writer who has so
loved and honored his great task should not be himself in the fold of the
faithful. There has been no denial of the facts that the authorities on
which he relies have been gathered with an exhaustive diligence, that
they have been from the first sources, authentic and unusually illustra-
tive, and that whatever is damaging in their exposures is chargeable
upon the parties whose deeds they record and whose pens wrote them.

But all the discipline and furnishing which library and archives could
secure to one who had chosen for his historical labor such subjects as
those spread over Mr. Parkman's pages, would never have given them
the charm and the absorbing interest which they have for the reader,
had he not brought to them quite other qualifications. These he either
had in himself in genius and natural aptitude, or acquired by the pur-
chase price of severe application, effort and training. Our author
proves himself well-read in the period of French history, with all the
intrigues, jealousies and rivalries through which it is to be traced, in
personal, social and clerical schemes and plottings. He has also saga-
ciously studied the workings of human nature in its morbid or exalted
exercises, its heats and enthrallments of enthusiasm and credulity of
stern self-sacrifice and abject subjection to authority, by which we are
to interpret and explain the fervid soul-heroism of the Jesuits in their
sublime zeal and constancy. But after all, the scenes and surroundings
of the actors and events which supply the material for Mr. Parkman's
pages, present the most exacting strain on the resources and skill of the
historian, demanding of him that he be also poet, painter and naturalist.
The readers of this series of volumes have learned from them how to
appreciate the charm and spell of their power in the description of the

90 PARKMAN'S FRENCH COLONIZATION IN NORTH AMERICA

wild scenes of nature, the aspects and phenomena of the wilderness, of
the depths of primeval forests, the foliage, the mosses, the tangled
thicket, the oozy morass, the tranquil or tossing lake, the winding
stream, the cataract, the perils of bewilderment and starvation, and the
methods of guidance, subsistance and safety for those who venture as
strangers, and those who are at home amid these features of the once
New World. Whether Mr. Parkman affords in himself an example of
reversion to the original state of savagery and wildness, or had a native
quality in his make and fibre, his eye and mind, manifesting itself in his
appreciation of and power of dealing with this woodcraft, and with the
habits and aspects of life for the roamers in the forests, the reader will
decide for himself. For ourselves only we must say that in no other
pages have we read such descriptions in the grandest or the most minute
features of the original American forests, in their rugged or their glo-
rious and fascinating aspects, in the terrors which warn off from them,
or in the charms which lure into them. Nor have we in all the piled-up
volumes of our literature in prose and poetry, in romance, narrative or
laborious returns of explorers and statisticians commissioned by gov-
ernment patronage, any equally discriminating conceptions and delinea-
tions of the nature and habits of the Red men, which we can read with
such assurance of their adequacy and fidelity as we yield to the treat-
ment of the subject by Mr. Parkman.

The period of time covered by the matter in his last volume is from
1672 to the close of the century. The central-figure in it is that of the
true and noble Count Frontenac. Most grandly is he presented in these
graphic pages as the hero in will, purpose and endurance, clouded with
a tinge of melancholy and some human weaknesses, yet firmly constant
to the trust committed to him by his Monarch, and devoted through all
the collisions with rivals in a divided power, and all the rough discipline
of his surroundings, to the planting of the sway of France widely and
permanently on this continent. It is but little to say that the Monarchs
of England, while they held their old Colonies here, never had a repre-
sentative officer, Governor or General, who could be named in ability
and efficiency with Frontenac, the foremost of the Lieutenants of France.
It was under his grand and energetic administration that France settled
upon its purpose for a secure occupancy, if not a monopoly of this con-
tinent, and in so doing opened its disastrous struggle with England.
Frontenac aimed to carry out the earnest instructions of the King and
his Ministers, directing him to civilize the Indians by teaching them
the French language, with arts and habits of industry. Faithfully did the

PARKMAN'S FRENCH COLONIZATION IN NORTH AMERICA 91

Governor make the effort. But the Jesuits and fur and brandy traders,
secretly at first, and then in open defiance, thwarted him in all his measures.
The story is a disgraceful one, as it impugns any practically religious or
humane motives of the missionaries, but their condemnation rests upon
evidence furnished by themselves, and Mr. Parkman is merely the inter-
preter of it from their own pens.

Frontenac was the King's Lieutenant in New France for the ten years
from 1672 to 1682, when he was recalled that La Barre might fill the
place. He was restored in 1689, when he was seventy years old, and died
in office, in Quebec, November 28, 1698. Our author takes up this
future hero of the wilderness in the gilded Court of Louis XIV. and
traces his career from boyhood as a brave and ambitious soldier, unfitly
yoked to an ungenial and trifling wife, who had no heart to accompany
him hither, when at the age of fifty-two, in the glory of his manhood, and
nerved to the rivalries and endurance which he was to face, he came up
the St. Lawrence to Quebec as the King's Lieutenant. As Mr. Park-
man writes:

" A man of courts and camps, born and bred in the focus of a most gorgeous
civilization, he was banished to the ends of the earth, among savage hordes and
half reclaimed forests, to exchange the splendors of St. Germain and the dazzling
glories of Versailles for a stern grey rock, haunted by sombre priests, rugged mer-
chants and traders, blanketed Indians, and wild bush-rangers. But Frontenac
was a man of action. He wasted no time in vain regrets, and set himself to his
work with the elastic vigor of youth. His first impressions had been very favor-
able. When, as he sailed up the St. Lawrence, the basin of Quebec opened before
him, his imagination kindled with the grandeur of the scene. 1 1 never,' he wrote*
'saw anything more superb than the position of this town. It could not be better
situated as the future capital of a great empire.' "

With this flush of satisfaction Frontenac began to examine and explore
the scenes of his wild vice-royalty under its semi-civilized aspects, first
realizing the cramp upon his dignity, as he " crouched on a sheet of bark,
at the bottom of a birch canoe, scarcely daring to move his head to the
right or left, least he should disturb the balance of the fragile vessel."
His aim in planting his own power was to establish the old regime of
three estates of clergy, nobles and commons, himself the central figure.
He convoked what material he had for these in the Jesuits' Church, and
eloquently harangued them. Next he set up a municipal government in
Quebec. But from the first, Talon, who under the title of Intendant,
and with the office of King's agent, held a division of executive power,
which is alike confusing to our apprehensions as it was distracting for its

92 PARKMAN'S FRENCH COLONIZATION IN NORTH AMERICA

parties on the scene of action, embarrassed and withstood the measures
of the Governor. Both of these officers were in correspondence with
the King and his Minister, and mischief and discord followed. Frontenac
also found that the claim of the Jesuits to supremacy " in spiritual mat-
ters " covered their own conception of what might properly come under
that definition. The Canadian Bishop, Laval, then in France, con-
trived to acquaint himself with the contents of the Governor's letters
to the Minister, Colbert, and to act as spy and traitor. Frontenac
found a friend and hearty sympathiser in the young and noble La Salle,
then in Quebec, who cooperated with him in his purpose of carrying out
the project of his predecessor, Courcelle, of building a fort near the out*
let of Lake Ontario for controlling the fur-trade, and for keeping in
check the wily and ever deadly foes of the French, the Iroquois. In this
project Frontenac came into sharp and angry collision with the independ-
ant traders, who were backed by the interest and influence of Perrot,
Governor of Montreal, and a relative by marriage of the Intendant,
Talon. The King had strictly charged his Lieutenant to arrest and sup-
press all that wild and mischievous class of men known as bush-rangers,
or coureurs de bois, whose far wanderings and lone residences and reck-
less habits among the savages were sadly demoralizing. With these
scourges of the forest also, Perrot connived. The Governor temporarily
triumphed in his conflict with all these opposers, not without the impu-
tation from enemies that he turned the profit of trade from others to him-
self. Fenelon, a Sulpician priest at Montreal, half brother of the author of
Tele'maqiie, was among the intriguers against Frontenac. The King and
Colbert attempted conciliation, by rebuking opponents and advising the
Governor to gentleness.

Duchesneau replaced Talon as Intendant, with more direct powers
and instructions from the King, and the Bishop Laval came back to have
his full share in the distractions. The brandy traffic among the Indians
became the chief matter of strife, Duchesneau and the clergy being the
party against the Governor. A year was necessary for the interchange
of correspondence with the home government, and those first ocean mails
bore voluminous documents between Governor, Intendant, priests,
intriguers, and the confounded and bewildered officials near the throne,
in vain seeking to adjust matters. Frontenac ascribed all his annoyances
to the ambition of the clergy for supreme sway. He was not aware
how much of them came from his own imperiousness of temper ; for with
all his nobleness he had faults and foibles. The patience of the King be-
ing exhausted, Frontenac was recalled in 1682.

PARKMAN S FRENCH COLONIZATION IN NORTH AMERICA 93

The new Governor, La Barre, and a new Intendant, Meules, reached
Quebec only to find the whole of the Lower Town in ashes by a disas-
trous fire, which consumed the larger part of the property accumulated
in Canada. Under La Barre arose new complications in the ever-threat-
ening relations between the French and their Indian allies with the pride
and savagery of the Iroquois — the Dutch and English now coming in, in
league with the latter as competitors in trade. The new governor while
professing to the King that he kept his hands clear of traffic, was in fact
a greedy speculator, and he was, of course, denounced by the Intendant,
Meules. After a fruitless and humiliating campaign against the Iroquois,
La Barre was recalled in disgrace by the King in 1685, by letters brought
by Denonville, who superseded him — a brave and resolute soldier with
the repute of piety. He in his turn engaged, in 1687, in a bootless and
inglorious campaign against the Senecas. But the French had no longer
to contend with their own red allies only against the deadly hostility of the
tribes of northern and western New York. Governor Dongan of that
Province received instructions from his sovereign to take up the feud ;
for he, as well as the French monarch, claimed the Iroquois as subjects.
Artful and angry correspondence followed between the two Governors,
loyal to their respective sovereigns, while negotiations were going on
between the royal cabinets. The great aim of the French Governor was
to help the Jesuits in the Iroquois towns as political agents and intriguers.
In 1688 Andros superseded Dongan. The Intendant, Meules, had in his
turn been recalled on the complaints of Denonville, and Champigny was
sent in his place. Bands of Dutch and English, with their red allies
took the war-path, and the wilderness with its savage tribes became the
scene and actors in horrors aggravating the atrocities of native warfare.
Canada was brought under the depths of humiliation, in exhaustion,
poverty, famine and threatened extinction. The massacre of the French
at La Chine, in 1689, seemed to be the final stroke of desolation. Denon-
ville, a man of great qualities and petty foibles, valiant and devout, was
recalled, leaving only the Jesuits to mourn or regret his departure. He
had but failed where no one could hope for success.

And now, in 1689, Frontenac comes back to his former office with
vigor unreduced and spirit not quailing at the ventures of his task,
though the veteran was in his seventieth year. He was wiser too in
judgment and more yielding in his temper. He came with a bold
design for mastering New York. Whatever might have been the result
of the attempt, it was baffled by delay and complication. The red allies
whom France had counted upon as firmest in their fealty, vacillated,

94 PARKMAN S FRENCH COLONIZATION IN NORTH AMERICA

made terms with the Iroquois and the English, and then taunted their
old friends. Frontenac, with an undaunted resolve which partook of
recklessness, organized three simultaneous expeditions against the
English and the Iroquois — aiming at the capture of Schenectady, of
Pemaquid and Salmon Falls, and of Fort Loyal (Portland). By evidence
furnished from their own pens, Mr. Parkman offers us abundant proof
that the Jesuit priests were instigators and guides in the atrocities of
savage warfare. A degree of success for an interval revived the pros-
pects of Canada.

Our author gives us a fresh and graphic sketch of the inglorious
appearance of Massachusetts in the fray, in its attempt to anticipate the
event, yet to be deferred for three quarters of a century, of wresting
from the French monarch his whole wild domain. The French had pro-
jected an attack on Boston. The redoubtable Phips, afterwards first
Provincial Governor of Massachusetts, takes Acadia, but by poor man-
agement loses the fruits of his success. Frontenac rallies his Indian
allies and takes part with them in a war-dance. He was an officer and a
man after their own heart. He understood them, he flattered, indulged
and yet swayed them. His influence over them was electric, and their
admiration of him was full and complete. He put Quebec into a strong
state for defence to meet the threatened enterprise of Phips against it,
which failed by delay, ill-conception and feeble conduct, and resulted in
discomfiture and disaster. Equally abortive was a land expedition of the
English by Lake Champlain. The peace of Ryswick gave but a lull to
the conflict now fairly opened, to be continued to its long-deferred close
between the colonists of rival European sovereignties and their fickle
and treacherous savage allies in the New World. When Frontenac,
worn with the fatigues and anxieties, the distractions and the rigors of
his never intermitting strifes, paid the debt of nature, he was mourned as
a mighty man, high and noble in motive, if not always consistent or wise.
Malice and jealousy, if not ingratitude, mingled in the rehearsal of his
obsequies, but could not drown the eulogies of those who had appre-
ciated him. Monsieur de Callieres succeeded to his office to meet, with
slightly varied incidents and conditions, the same perplexities woven
into the web of French domination in the New World. Mr. Parkman
will work out for us the further development as it leads on to a tragic
close.

A reader who has followed the course of Mr. Parkman's narrations
of French adventure, enterprise and missionary zeal, devoted to opening
the Northern borders and the Western depths of this continent, as he

PARKMAN'S FRENCH COLONIZATION IN NORTH AMERICA 95

muses upon the information spread before him, can hardly fail to be pro-
foundly impressed by a question that will rise in his mind, in the form of
a wonder or regret as over a sad and unrighteous close of a story or a
tragedy. He will ask why and how it came about that France has noth-
ing of present power, dominion or territory to show on this broad conti-
nent, as the assured and permanent result and harvest of its outlay of
effort, zeal and sacrifice ? Certainly, it would seem as if all just disposals
of labor and rewards had been most signally thwarted and even outraged
here. England has grasped and holds as colonial territory the region
which French prowess and heroism opened to European possession for
an enriching traffic and the conversion of savage tribes, and people of
British stock, with their affiliated races, have sway over all the sweep of
mountains, rivers and prairies that stretch between the two oceans. It
seems as if by the scale of either poetical or political justice it should not
be so. France had won the right of a permanent heritage and dominion
here. All the contrasted facts which cover the history of French and
English enterprise and colonization on our continent accrue to the
claims of the former, as against the success and triumph of the latter.

French monarchs and ministers, with the coin of the realm and the
direct instigation, oversight and patronage of emigration, fostered the
work of exploration and colonization. The zeal of French ecclesiastics
was engaged in an enthralling self-renunciation to dot the villages of
the native tribes, by lake and river, by cataract and cornfield, and fish-
ing rendezvous, deep within the recesses of the north and west, and
where the fresh and salt waters mingled, with rude mission chapels and
altar symbols. Forts and trucking houses marked the advances of the
daring adventurers at the forks of rivers and in the bays of inland seas.
Frenchmen became Indians in habit, garb and wild ways of life, as if to
favor a general adoption of the savage by the civilized race. Intrepid
explorers, sometimes alone, or in sparse companies, paddled their canoes
and crossed the portages, carrying with them neither salt, nor bread, nor
any of the necessaries of life, to penetrate the depths of an unknown
wilderness, finding their food in the forest or stream, subsisting it might
be on roots and buds, or a soup made of their own tattered robes and
moccasins. Other parties dragged painfully through thickets and over
mountains, the tools, the cordage, the iron implements, the forge, and the
cannon for building and arming vessels for the lakes. Annually, for scores
of years, deep laden ships with their convoys from French ports, made
their way through fog-banks and ice-bergs up the St. Lawrence, with
supplies of men, goods and munitions, crowded with colonists and

g6 parkman's French colonization in north America

soldiers, priests, nuns and hospital servants, bearing government officials,
and the written mandates of French monarchs and ministers. All this
enterprise had anticipated the first humble and meagre effort for English
occupancy here, while for a century following there never was anything
in English enterprise which suggested a rivalry with Frenchmen in the
actual work of exploration, beyond the fringing of the Atlantic sea-board.
The French at one time boasted that they were cramping the English to
the margin of the ocean, and were holding them in terror. France has
nothing now to show for all this, save in those touching memorials, like
the legends on the grave stones of a buried generation, found in the
Gallic names and the saintly titles born by inland stream and bay, water-
fall or portage, village site or storied field, with its legend of miracle,
piety or massacre.

On the other hand, how different were all the antecedents and con-
ditions in the history of English ventures upon the soil which is now the
rich heritage of her race. The two Cabots, not native subjects, but in
the employ of the British monarch, having seen and coasted along our
northern shores, gave to the realm its title of ownership of them, though
any occupancy was long deferred. The most thrifty and successful of
her colonists here stole away in secrecy from their English homes,
neither asking nor receiving patronage or protection from their King^
and engaged from the first in a jealous self-dependence which repudiated
all help or interference with them. They kept close to the sea-board of
the Atlantic, and left the western and even the northern wilds to the
obscurity in which they found them.

The relations of the English with the Indians were from the first
critical, jealous and every way precarious, and soon became ruthlessly
hostile, indicative of the extermination which closed them. There was,
indeed, an attempt at what was called their evangelization. But Puri-
tanism stands in points of no stronger contrast with the old church than
in those exhibited by the spirit and method of the Protestant and Jesuit
missionary. The French priest became the intimate companion and
equal of the savage, the inmate of his smoky and noisome lodge, and the
sharer of his disgusting diet, alike in famine and in the feast. He would
spend long years of isolation at his distant post, while his black robe
turned to tatters or was patched with deer or beaver skin, training his
rough flock in his brief catechism and his scenic retreat. But even the
saintly Eliot tells us that with his English phlegm and stomach he never
could endure the filthy, vermin-infested wigwam, nor share the unsavory
lunch of his catechumens. He always took with him his necessary and

PARKMAN'S FRENCH COLONIZATION IN NORTH AMERICA 97

frugal food, and if he could not reach his home for the night, had his
own separate couch. The priest was satisfied if his converts, chanting a
few staves, or repeating the Lord's Prayer, would kneel around him as,
with the furnishings of the forest, he performed the office of the mass,
and if a procession of naked Indian children would follow him with
torches made of native waxberries as an escort for a lifted cross. The
formula of baptism, administered in an emergency with a spittle-moist-
ened finger, would save a soul from the dark doom of the endless here-
after. The creed of the church, without instruction in Christian ethics
or sentiments, was enough to insure conversion and redemption. For all
else the Indian was left to be an Indian, free of the woods, unhoused,
unclothed, the hunter, the warrior still, without the decencies or the frets
of domestication and industry. But Eliot rested not till he had turned
the gutturals and the grunts of the tribes of the forest into a written
language, with grammar and dictionary, and with " words which had
been lengthening ever since the confusion of tongues at Babel," had set
forth in print the whole Bible, Chronicles and Prophecies, Gospels and
Epistles, Psalms and Apocalypse. Eliot felt the joy of a crowned suc-
cess only when the choicest of his converts was telling his experience
after the method of a Puritan Conventicle, by the aid of the Assembly's
Cathechism, a Body of Divinity and an approved tractate on casuistry.
He insisted that the Indians should substitute English styles of houses
for the wigwam, a settled for a wandering life, and a trade or handi-
craft for the alternations of sleeping and hunting. Neither of these
things would the Indian do, nor would he conform in anything to the
" state of civility " which Eliot regarded as all-essential. The English
looked upon and treated the Red Men with antipathy and contempt.
The French went more than half-way towards a cordial assimilation
with them, believing that it would be as idle to attempt to change their
nature as it would be to extract the game flavor from the deer or
sea-fowl, and really yielding to a penchayit for some of their free and
primitive ways of life. Thus alike by prior occupancy and explorations
of the wildernesses of the New World, and by consort and alliance
with its human tribes, the French might claim possession and dominance
where they no longer float the banners and symbols either of monarchy
or republic.

The English colonists fringing the Atlantic seaboard began in time
to find that the French were instigators and allies of the savages in raids
and massacres upon their frontiers. Yet so resolute still were the pur-
pose and spirit of self-defense among them that they tried first to meet

98 PARKMAN'S FRENCH COLONIZATION IN NORTH AMERICA

the direful conflict with their own resources. But when the arms and
ships of England came in to aid the colonists, it was not so much to
extend them protection in place of former neglect as in jealousy of the
continental enemy nearer home. The English colonists made common
cause with the mother country in reducing and extinguishing the domin-
ion of France on this continent, and learned in doing so why and how,
some dozen years afterwards, successfully to set up for themselves.
And thus it came about that France has no heritage where she planted,
toiled and watered with such prowess and heroism. We marvel at this
disposal of national awards as fatuitous, and are ready to say that it
indicates an inequity in the adjustments of fortune.

But the reader of Mr. Parkman's volumes, while prompted by their
perusal to ask why such has been the tragic issue of events, will find
under his guidance a full explanation of the causes and agencies which
wrought the result. We happen to have in hand a publication of this
current year, the author of which raises an issue with Mr. Parkman on
this point. In a brief and spirited essay M. Charles De Bonnechose,
while adding a wreath to the memorial of Montcalm, is led to put the
question we have asked above, and to give to it his own answer, as he
mourns the fate of the French General and of the cause in which he fell. 1
He asks : " What was the respective situation of the two colonies as
they proceeded to contend in a deadly duel ? The English plantations,
with their 1,500,000 inhabitants, were at this period twenty times more
populous than Canada, which numbered then only 80,000. At the same
time their territory, more compact and infinitely less extended than that
of New France, was more easy of defence, it was besides backed by the
sea and in direct communication with the metropolis ; while after the
loss of Acadia Canada had no other avenue than the St. Lawrence. To
these advantages of situation and number add another : The British
colonies were more rich and flourishing. To what cause shall we ascribe
their superiority to our colonies, which were older? ' To the fruitful sway
of political and religious liberty ' — replies from Berlin to Boston, a cer-
tain school, which, under the pretext of celebrating in the fall of the
French dominion in America, the defeat of despotism by liberty, does
but exalt the victory of the Germanic over the Latin race." To this text
the author subjoins the following note : " This explanation which is
sought to be imposed on the public by Mr. Bancroft and his disciples,
among the number of which is Mr. Francis Parkman ( ! ), author of the
book entitled ' The Old Regime in Canada,' is under lively discussion at
this moment among Franco-Canadian publicists. According to them, it

PARKMAN'S FRENCH COLONIZATION IN NORTH AMERICA 99

is to other causes, chiefly to the enormous numerical disproportion of the
population, that we ought to ascribe the more rapid progress of the Eng-
lish colonization. That which was lacking to New France for the develop-
ment of the elements of its wealth was the million and a half of people, like
its neighboring plantations, instead of 80,000. From 1606 to 1700 the
English colonies had received 100,000 English or German emigrants,
Canada 5,500 and Acadia 500. The same proportion held in the follow-
ing century. The Gallic race, which has such admirable qualities for
colonization, is absolutely set against the expatriation which is its first
condition. Under Louis XV. it was necessary to resort to violence to
people Louisiana. In our days Algeria, almost in sight of our shores,
is still a desert." The author concludes that the inferiority of Canada
in industry and agriculture was of slight import. Its military ruin came
from its inferiority in men. " Though Canada had enjoyed all the liberties
in the world it would have nevertheless lost its own. Never was a strug-
gle more unequal, and the numbers more decisive. Our colony was not
vanquished, crushed, but swamped by invasion, and at the cry of ' Vive la
France ! ' it was engulphed in the waves with its standard."

The explanation which M. De Bonnechose here offers will be found
itself to need the help of explanatory facts which precede and qualify
it. These we think are found scattered abundantly over Mr. Parkman's
volumes, and some of the principal of them are forcibly stated in the
following extracts from the one before us. Speaking of a series of con-
flicts on this continent, which were but episodes in the momentous ques-
tion whether France or England should be mistress of the west, Mr.
Parkman says :

" There was a strange contrast in the attitude of the rival colonies towards this
supreme prize : the one was inert, and seemingly indifferent ; the other, intensely
active. The reason is obvious enough. The English colonies were separate,
jealous of the crown and of each other, and incapable as yet of acting in concert.
Living by agriculture and trade, they could prosper within limited areas, and had
no present need of spreading beyond the Alleghanies. Each of them was an
aggregate of persons, busied with their own affairs, and giving little heed to mat-
ters which did not immediately concern them. Their rulers, whether chosen by
themselves or appointed in England, could not compel them to become the instru-
ments of enterprises in which the sacrifice was present, and the advantage remote.
The neglect in which the English court left them, though wholesome in most res-
pects, made them unfit for aggressive action ; for they had neither troops, com-
manders, political union, military organization, nor military habits. In communi-
ties so busy, and governments so popular, much could not be done, in war, till the
people were roused to the necessity of doing it ; and that awakening was still far

IOO PARKMAN'S FRENCH COLONIZATION IN NORTH AMERICA

distant. Even New York, the only exposed colony, except Massachusetts and
New Hampshire, regarded the war merely as a nuisance to be held at arm's length.

"In Canada, all was different. Living by the fur trade, she needed free range
and indefinite space. Her geographical position determined the nature of her
pursuits ; and her pursuits developed the roving and adventurous character of her
people, who, living under a military rule, could be directed at will to such ends as
their rulers saw fit. The grand French scheme of territorial extension was not
born at court, but sprang from Canadian soil, and was developed by the chiefs of
the colony, who, being on the ground, saw the possibilities and requirements of the
situation, and generally had a personal interest in realizing them. The rival
colonies had two different laws of growth. The one increased by slow extension^
rooting firmly as it spread ; the other shot offshoots, with few or no roots, far out
into the wilderness. It was the nature of French colonization to seize upon de-
tached strategic points, and hold them by the bayonet, forming no agricultural
basis, but attracting the Indians by trade, and holding them by conversion. A
musket, a rosary, and a pack of beaver skins may serve to represent it, and in fact
it consisted of little else.

" Whence came the numerical weakness of New France, and the real though
latent strength of her rivals ? Because, it is answered, the French were not an
emigrating people ; but, at the end of the seventeenth century, this was only half
true. The French people were divided into two parts, one eager to emigrate, and
the other reluctant. The one consisted of the persecuted Huguenots, the other of
the favored Catholics. The government chose to construct its colonies, not of
those who wished to go, but of those who wished to stay at home. From the hour
when the edict of Nantes was revoked, hundreds of thousands of Frenchmen
would have hailed as a boon the permission to transport themselves, their families,
and their property to the New World. The permission was fiercely refused, and
the persecuted sect was denied even a refuge in the wilderness. Had it been
granted them, the valleys of the west would have swarmed with a laborious and
virtuous population, trained in adversity, and possessing the essential qualities of
self-government. Another France would have grown beyond the Alleghanies,
strong with the same kind of strength that made the future greatness of the British
colonies. British America was an asylum for the oppressed and the suffering of
all creeds and nations, and population poured into her by the force of a natural
tendency. France, like England, might have been great in two hemispheres, if
she had placed herself in accord with this tendency, instead of opposing it ; but
despotism was consistent with itself, and a mighty opportunity was for ever lost.

" As soon could the Ethiopian change his skin as the priest-ridden king change

his fatal policy of exclusion. Canada must be bound to the papacy, even if it

blasted her. The contest for the west must be waged by the means which Bourbon

policy ordained."

GEORGE E. ELLIS

1 Montcalm and Le Canada Francais. Par Charles De Bonnechose. Paris, 1877.

CHARLES CARROLL OF CARROLLTON

When a youth Charles Carroll of Carrollton, the most celebrated of
the Maryland signers of the Declaration of Independence, endeavored
to trace his ancestry back to that Irish Carroll " who was chief of the
name, and was defeated at the battle of Knoc-Lee by Gerald Earle of
Kildare in the year 1516." Later in life he was content to begin at
Daniel Carroll of Litterloma, Kings County, Ireland. A son of Daniel,
Charles Carroll of the Middle Temple, Barrister, came to America
in 1680, and settled at Annapolis, in the Province of Maryland.
He became the agent of Lord Baltimore in 1689; and we may credit
him with personal qualities of a high order, since he held the agency for
over thirty years for the absent Proprietary with fearlessness, honesty and
firmness — an agency, it must be remembered, of a Catholic noble, whose
power had just been overthrown by a religious party of different faith,
whose jurisdiction had been usurped by the English crown, and whose
individual rights in the soil and the revenues were held by an uncertain
and precarious tenure.

In 1700 Charles, Lord Baltimore, granted to this Charles Carroll ten
thousand acres of diversified and stream-fed land in Anne Arundel
County, the same running from a branch of the Patuxent river to
Thomas Browne's plantation, and from thence to landmarks which
would be found rather indefinite at the present time, being " four Indian
Cabbains." However, at the period, as the manor was in free socage,
and the token of fealty was " four Indian arrowes," delivered annually
at Windsor Castle, the " Cabbains " may have been convenient. These
broad acres, with the manor house, descended through four generations
of only sons, the third of whom was Charles Carroll of Carrollton — the
prefix " Carrollton " having been adopted long before the Revolution,
from a tract of land in Frederick County. He was born at Annapolis
on the 20th September, 1737. At eight years of age he was sent to
Europe, and passed six years at the English Jesuit College of St. Omers,
one year with the French Jesuits at Rheims, two years at the College of
Louis le Grand, at Paris, one year at Bourges to be taught the civil law,
and two years, a second time, at Paris. In 1757 he took apartments in
the Middle Temple, London, but never entered for his degree. He was
fast friends while there with Mr. Jennings, son of the Attorney General
of Maryland, and Mr. Graves, afterwards a member of Parliament ; and

102 CHARLES CARROLL OF CARROLLTON

was contemporary during the year 1763 at least with Joseph Reed of
New Jersey, Secretary and aid to Washington. He returned to Mary-
land in 1764, and was at once active in all measures which were taken in
opposition to the encroachments of Great Britain. In 1765 he writes to
his friend Graves : " Nothing can overcome the aversion of the people
to the Stamp Act, and their love of liberty, but an armed force.
Twenty thousand men would find it difficult to enforce the law, or, more
properly speaking, ram it down our throats." At Annapolis it was
Charles Carroll who gave the advice to the trembling Stewart to burn
his vessel with its cargo of obnoxious tea, and the brig was towed into
the harbor, and burned in broad day, amid the applauding shouts of the
spectators, to the water's edge. He bore the brunt of the impetuous
onslaught of the fiery Daniel Dulany in defense of popular rights. To
his exertions it is owing that Maryland gave her unqualified adhesion to
the Declaration of Independence ; and he cheerfully embarked his life
and fortune in the dark struggle. Of the revolutionary war, his words
written in 1773 to Mr. Graves were prophetic, and showed with what
fine forecast he judged the people among whom he dwelt. " The Brit-
ish troops if sent here, will be masters but of the spot on which they
encamp. They will find nought but enemies before and behind them.
If we are beaten in the plains, we will retire to our mountains, and defy
them. Necessity will force us to exertion, until tired of combatting in
vain against a spirit which victory after victory cannot subdue, your
armies will evacuate our soil, and your country retire an immense loser
from the contest." The public life of Mr. Carroll continued until 1801.
He was an ardent Federalist, with a cordial hatred of the party of Jef-
ferson. He was during this period four times elected a Senator of
Maryland; three times a delegate to Congress. In 1776 he was
appointed one of three Commissioners — the other two being Franklin
and Samuel Chase — to persuade the Canadian province to join for-
tunes with the American colonies. Throughout Mr. Carroll was
respected and loved for his excellent judgment, his nice sense of per-
sonal honor and his unswerving steadiness of conviction that what-
ever was right should be done at all hazards.

He married in 1768 Miss Mary Darnall, daughter of Henry Darnall,
a kinsman of Lord Baltimore. He had been engaged many years
before. The wedding dress had been ordered from London ; but before
the ceremony the lady died. The wedding dress then sent over, more
than a hundred years ago, was worn in 1876 at one of the Martha.
Washington parties then so popular — the fabric almost untarnished by

CHARLES CARROLL OF CARROLLTON IO3

time. One of Mr. Carroll's daughters married Richard Caton, an Eng-
lishman resident in Maryland ; the other married Robert Goodloe Har-
per, alawyer of decided ability. Of the three daughters of Mr. Caton,
the eldest became Marchioness of Wellesley, the second Lady Stafford,
and the youngest Duchess of Leeds. All died childless.

He survived all the signers of the Declaration of Independence, dying
in 1832. From an oration delivered in the same year by Charles Con-
stantine Pease, Chaplain of the Senate of the United States, the following
picture of his later life at Doughoregan, is taken. " I have seen him, and
it is delightful for me to represent him to you, spending his summers
under those trees which his father's hand had planted nearly a century and
a half ago, and which love to twine their hospitable boughs over the ven-
erable mansion of Doughoregan. The manner in which he there spent
his time, resembled the Mitts Sapientia Loeli. He arose very early to
enjoy the fresh breeze of the morning, plunged into a cold bath,
mounted his horse, and rode a certain number of miles; spent some
time in prayer, and if the chaplain of the manor was there, heard mass
in the chapel ; and varied the long days by reading and conversing, and
indulging in those meditations which the scenes of his past life, and the
circumstances of the present period, were calculated to awaken in his
philosophic mind."

All the British ministers who were sent to the National Capitol, the
attaches, and nearly every prominent Englishman who visited this coun-
try, were guests of Mr. Carrroll at Doughoregan ; and Washington,
Lafayette, Decatur, Jackson, Taney, and other distinguished Americans
were welcomed there.

He had a well selected, but old fashioned library. He had but little
taste for modern works. Among the valued books referred to in his
letters, we find the Bishop of Meaure's " Histoire de Variations," the
" History of Ireland " of the Abbe McGeoghegan, " Les Erreurs de Vol-
taire" with Voltaire's answer, and many other works of the same type.

We give a picture of the closing scene of his life. It is from an eye-
witness of it, who died but a year ago, Dr. Richard Stewart. It was
toward sundown in the month of November, and very cold weather. In
a large room in his town house on Lombard Street — his bedroom — a
group of the inmates of his household was gathered before a large open
fireplace. The venerable Charles Carroll was reclining in a soft, padded,
arm chair. In the centre of the space before him was a table, with
blessed candles, an antique silver bowl of holy water, and a crucifix. By
his side the priest, Rev. John C. Chaunce, afterward Bishop of Natchez, in

104 CHARLES CARROLL OF CARROLLTON

his rich robes, prepared to administer the last rites of his Church. On
each side of the chair knelt children and grand-children, with some
friends, and just in the rear, three or four old negro servants were
devoutly on their knees. Mr. Carroll had, for a long time, been suffering
with weak eye-sight, and could not endure the proximity of the lights.
He leaned back with half closed eyes. The solemn ceremony proceeded
and ended ; the old man was lifted back to his bed, but he had fasted to
receive the Sacrament and was too weak to rally. His last words were,
" Thank you, Doctor," on being lifted into an easier position, and he died
quickly, mindful to the last of others — tranquilly — a christian gentleman.
When Maryland was a Province, many of its wealthier citizens followed
the English custom of having a town residence and a country seat. In
Annapolis, the winter's gayety centered in the Governor's house, and the
liberal homes of the Carrolls, Pocas, and others. Gambling, gossip and
flirtation, the arrival of a vessel from England, the prospects of the
tobacco crop, adventurers fresh from Europe, and visitors from Virginia
and the North, the shifting aspect of the quarrels of the Proprietary with
the Crown, religious controversy, Royalist intrigue and Democratic
assertions, furnished the town with amusement and excitement.

In the spring came the departure for the country. The social leaders
packed themselves, and their more precious possessions, into the family
coach. This was a vehicle curious to modern eyes. It was
imported ; color, probably a light yellow, with conspicuous facings.
The body was of mahogany, leather topped, and with three Venetian win-
dows on each side, projecting lamps, and a high seat upon which coach-
man and footman were perched. Mr. Carroll's coach came by country
roads to the Frederick Turnpike, while others radiated north or west,
to " My Lady's Manor," " De La Brooke," " Kent Fort," " Bohemia," or
"Bel Air."

Charles Carroll owned several manors, and they are all noted for
picturesqueness of situation, their fine outlook over hill and valley, and
their noble groups of trees. Doughoregan manor is now in Howard
County, a county formed from part of Anne Arundel. It is six miles
above Ellicott's Mills, a thriving manufacturing village through which
the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad passes. The southern boundary of the
estate is the Patuxent River. At the time the grant of the Manor was
made there was a landing on the Patapsco at Elkridge, near Ellicott
Mills, at which sloops loaded tobacco in huge hogsheads, stoutly hooped.
These had been rolled over what is still known as " rolling" roads, singly,
by means of a stout axle driven through the middle, to which long

CHARLES CARROLL OF CARROLLTON 105

traces were attached. Two mules and a negro, the mules hitched tan-
dem, were necessary to the proper conduct of each hogshead. Mr.
Carroll was a wealthy man for those days, and shipped largely ; and
imported whatever was required for the supply of the manor direct
from England, even down to the clothes worn by the family. The slaves
wore homespun, as did many of the poorer class, and as did Mr. Carroll
also at one period of his life, when it was resolved by the colonies to wear
nothing and consume nothing coming from Great Britian. An estimate
of his property, made in 1764, is worth giving. It was made by his own
hand.

40,000 acres of Land ; Two Country Seats, ... ^40,000

20 Houses at Annapolis, - ------ 4,000

285 Slaves, at an average of £30 each, - - - 8,550

Stock on Plantations, ------- 1,000

Household Plate, ------- 600

Debts Outstanding,- ------- 24,230

^88,380

The manor house of Doughoregan is the best specimen in the State
of the old style of building when Maryland was a province of the
English crown. These ancient mansions, of which there are many still
preserved in Maryland, are of imported brick. The walls are very thick,
and are as solid to-day as when erected. The architecture is that
of England at the time. The ground plan is long and narrow, one room
deep only, with two wings connected by passages, a wide por-
tico, small, deep sunken, mullioned windows, and a low upper
story. The line of roof is always well broken, either by differ-
ence in height as at Doughoregan, or by a pointed gable in the
centre. The length of the Doughoregan mansion is three hun-
dred feet. The central building is the family dwelling. A wide hall,
heavily panelled, separates the apartments to right and left. On the
walls hang English hunting scenes and old prints. On one side is the
library, wainscoted high up in oak. Here Mr. Carroll in his latter days
passed most of his time with Cicero's " De Senectute," which he grew
to love so much as to write to a friend : " After the Bible read Cicero ; "
also with Milner's " End of Controversy," valued as the means of his
conversion from the errors of free-thinking, and with other silent com-
panions, mostly those of his youth and early manhood. On the walls of this
room hang portraits of Mr. Carroll, his son and his grandson. Across
the hall is the dining-room, arched and recessed, and with its portraits,

106 CHARLES CARROLL OF CARROLLTON

ranging from gentlemen in the full wigs of Addison's day and by-gone
dames in stomacher and ruff to figures of modern times, when uglier
fashions lend less gracious aid to the painter's art. The north wing is
formed by the oldest private chapel in the United States.

Mr. Carroll was a strict Catholic ; but this chapel was built long
before his day, and soon after the " Protestant Revolution" of 1704. At
that date an act was passed at Annapolis establishing the Church of
England in the Province of Maryland. It was made penal for a bishop
or priest of the Catholic Church to exercise the functions of his office
in public. Liberty of worship in private houses was not disturbed.
Out of this privilege grew the private chapels under the same roof as the
dwelling, like the one at Doughoregan. This is still used for religious
purposes, and the country people around still gather where for more
than a hundred and fifty years the same service has ascended.

On the north wall of the chapel, and to the right of the altar, there
is an entablature by Bartholomew. A pen rests upon the Declaration of
Independence, the thirteen stars of the original States above, and over
all the Cross. This was intended for the tomb of Mr. Carroll.

Around the manor house are three hundred acres of park and lawn.
The slaves' quarters, still in a good state of preservation, and domin-
ated by the overseer's house, form a small village in themselves. The
manor has never been divided until of late years. Now it is cut up into
farms owned by members of the Carroll family. The library of Charles
Carroll, the signer, has been sold by auction, and the present owner of
Doughoregan — Mr. John Lee Carroll, Governor of Maryland, and a
gentleman of respectable abilities — talked some time ago of putting a
French roof on the antique manor house. It is to be hoped that no such
grotesque fate will befall the plain, comfortable, noble old dwelling, with
its splendid elms, its beautiful vistas of garden shrubbery, its magnifi-
cent knarled and knotted ancient forest trees, and its air of olden com-
fort and repose. It furnishes a quaint and imposing landmark of the
past, whereby we may note how pleasantly they lived in those days,
and how they builded, not for a day or a year, but for centuries of use
and habitation.

JOHN C. CARPENTER

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

DIARY OF JOSHUA PELL, JUNIOR

AN OFFICER OF THE BRITISH ARMY
IN AMERICA 1776— 1777

From the original in the possession of

James L. Onderdonk, Esq.

Part II

30th May [1777] the Advance Corps
rendezvous'd at their several alarm posts.

3rd June, encamp'd on Hessians Farm
opposite St. Johns.

5th June, left the camp at Hessians
Farm; and arriv'd at Point au Fer early
the morning of the 6th.

8th June, we left Point au Fer, arriv'd
same Evening at the River Sable. This
day arriv'd the Inflexible Captn Brown,
and a new Ship call'd the Royal George
of 26 guns, Captn Lutwidge Commander
and Commodore of the Fleet employ'd
on the Lake.

A LIST OF THE ENGLISH FLEET ON LAKE CHAMPLAIN.

Commanders Ships No. of No. of

Names

Capt. Lutwidge as Com. Royal George
Capt. Brown Inflexible

Lt. Starks
Lt. Loncroft
Lt. Broughton
Lt. Falconer

Lt. Stowe
Lt. Harrisson

Maria

Carlton

Washington

Thunder

Land Crab

Lee

Jersey

Guns
26
22
16
14
16
16
7

Men
130
100
80
70
80
90
30
30
30

133 640

nth June arriv'd at River Bouquett.

17th June, an advanc'd party of our
Indians, defeated a party of Rebels,
near Tyconderoga, they kill'd four and
took four prisoners.

23rd June left the River Bouquett
arriv'd at Chimney Point 25th.

2nd July Captn Frasers Corps of
Indians and Volunteers, engag'd a strong
party of the Rebels before Tyconderoga,
defeated them and drove them into their
lines ; we had one Indian kill'd and five
wounded, one Lieutenant and two Vol-

unteers wounded. The Rebels had a
Lieut and seven kill'd and eleven
wounded.

3rd July we invested Tyconderoga.

6th July, the Rebels abandon'd it, the
whole Army took Possession the same
day. Part of the Advanced Corps took
the Route same day for Hubbertown as
did the British Brigades for Skanes-
borough. 7th July, Part of the Ad-
vance Corps came up with the Rebels at
Hubberton, about six in the morning,
very strongly posted ; the Rebels con-
sisted of near two thousand, and form'd
behind the inclosures, which in this
Country are compos'd of large Trees,
laid one upon the other and makes a
strong breastwork : The advance Corps
consisted of ten Company's of British
Light Infantry, ten Comp'ys of British
Grenadiers, and two Company's of the
24th Regiment, the whole amounted to
no more than eight hundred men ; our
Men form'd briskly, ascended the Hill
within thirty yards of the Rebels and
immediately began a brisk fire, which
lasted one hour and half, three Com-
panys of the Germans arriv'd time
enough, to have a share in the action,
and behav'd exceedingly well, particu-
larly the Company of Chasseurs; the
Rebels was totally routed with great
slaughter, they had one Colonel kill'd,
a Francis who commanded ; with sun-
dry inferior Officers, and two hundred
men, we took a Colonel Hale prisoner
with many other Officers, and Men,
amounting to more than three hundred,
the Number of the enemy's wounded
must be considerable, tho' not properly
asscertain'd, as the later part of the en-
gagement was in a Wood, and many

io8

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

must have languish'd of their wounds,
it being impossible to find them. On
our part we had a Major Grant, one
Capt., two Lieuts killed ; and two
Majors, Earl Belcarras & Ackland, four
Captains, eight Lieutenants, wounded,
two Serjeants, twenty four Rank and
File kill'd ; ten Serjeants, one hundred
and nine Rank and File wounded : The
Germans had two kill'd one Lieutenant
& twenty two wounded. The Rebels
hearing that our Army was advancing
towards Skeansborough, quit it with pre-
cipitation, leaving the greatest part of
their Bagage behind them. Colonel
Hill with the ninth Regiment only, came
up with them near Fort Anne on the 8th
engag'd & defeated them, tho' they were
six times his number ; in consequence
of these successes we are become Mas-
ters of all their Artillery, stores and
baggage &c. and all the Country beyond
Fort Anne; Captn Carter of the Artil-
lery, with part of the Gun-boats took
two of their arm'd Vessels, destroyed
three and all their Batteaux.

22nd July left Skeneborough, arriv'd
at Fort Anne 24th.

26th we left Fort Anne. 28th arriv'd
at Kingsboro two Miles from Fort Ed-
ward.

27th July in the night, the Rebels
abandoned Fort Edward.

30th July we remov'd to the height
one mile on the other side Fort Edward,
near the Road leading to Albany, the
Rebels advanc'd post one mile in our
front. Same evening the Indians, and
Jessop's Corps of American Volunteers,
attack'd their advanc'd post, and drove
them on the other side of Hudson's
River with the loss of one Man only.

Same Night the whole Rebel Army re-
treated ; such is the natural bravery of
our Indians, for they know nothing of
the Art of War, they put their Arms
into a Canoe, and swim over the River,
pushing the Canoe before them, and
many of them carried their Fuzees in
their mouths, with their powder horns
ty'd upon their Heads.

3rd August a party of Indians and
American Volunteers, went on a Scout,
they fell in with an advanc'd Guard of
the Rebels, consisting of three hundred
Men (under the command of a Major),
at sunrise on the 4th the Rebels were
defeated with the loss of four kill'd
(amongst whom was the Major) and
seven Prisoners ; same Day another
party of our Indians defeated a body
of the Rebels and kill'd eleven of them.

13th August a party of about five
hundred and fifty Men consisting of
Fraser's Company of Volunteers, Phres-
tors Company of Provincials, Indians
and Canadians, Chasseurs, General Redi*
zel's Dragoons dismounted, mov'd to-
ward Bennington.

14th Mov'd to Batten Kill.

15th Mov'd to Saratoga, the West
Side Hudson's River.

1 6th The Rebels consisting of 4000
attack'd our party who had march'd the
13th near St. Coicks Mills, and totally
defeated them, and took four pieces of
Cannon, two three, and two six pound-
ers : The Redizel Dragoons who con-
sisted of 170 before the engagement,
only five return'd ; and of Fifty Chas-
seurs, one serjeant and fourteen re-
turn'd ; and of one hundred and sixty
Indians, thirty only return'd ; this little
army was commanded by Lieut. Colonel

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

[09

Baume entirely at the desire of General
Redizel, and everything was expected
(that was designed) from this expedi-
tion.

18th August repass'd Hudson's River
to Batten Kill.

14th Septr we passed Hudson River
to Fish Kill, a small Rivulet, running
from Lake Saratoga to Hudson's River
near Schuyler's House.

15th Septr mov'd to Devogot.

17th Mov'd to Swords Farm.

18th A scout of the Rebels attacked
a party of our men, who were unarm 'd
gathering Roots about one mile from
Camp, they kill'd and carrid off several
prisoners.

19th Septr Mov'd from Swords Farm ;
about one oclock the Piquetts of the
Line fell in with the Advance Guard of
the Rebels, consisting of three hundred
Rifle Men under the command of a
Captain they engag'd about half an hour,
when they retreated the Captain with
twelve men were made prisoners.

About two o'clock the 9th, 20th, 21st
and 62nd Regiments were engaged by
the Rebels near Freeman's Farm, they
was strongly posted in a wood with a
deep Ravine in their front, the fire was
so hot upon the 20th, 21st and 62nd that
they broke, but by the spirited behavior
of their Officers were immediately ral-
lied, and drove them from them. Major
Agnew with the 24th Regt advanc'd
into the wood, in order to flank them ;
on the first onset the Rebels retired in
confusion, but the fire from the line
having abated considerably at this time,
and the Rebels finding their left Flank
in danger, poured a strong force upon
this Regt which caused them to retire

about one hundred yards behind an in-
closure in a grass field; the Rebels
fought bravely in the woods, but durst
not advance one Inch toward the Open
Field.

The 24th Battalion received orders to
file off by the left, they took the wood,
before them firing after them own man-
ner from behind Trees, and twice re-
puls'd their repeated reinforcements
without any assistance ; The before
mention'd Regiments and a Body of
Germans arriv'd time enough with two
pieces of Cannon to share in the defeat
of the third attack. At half past 5
o'clock General Arnold with a detach-
ment of 1500 men, advanc'd on our
right, the Battallion of Grenadiers was
very opportunely posted there, gave the
Rebels two Volleys, which made them
retreat in confusion. The firing totally
ceas'd about half past six o'clock.

The Rebels were in general drunk, a
piece of policy of their General in order
to make them fight.

The Artillery under Captain Jones
behav'd remarkably well as likewise the
whole of the Army that was engag'd.

We had four Captains, nine subalterns,
eleven sergeants, two hundred and nine-
teen Rank and file kill'd; Two Lieut
Colos, two Majors, seven Captains, thir-
teen subalterns, six Sergeants, four hun-
dred Rank and file wounded. The loss
of the Rebels is not positively ascer-
tain^, for as their Detachments retreat-
ed, they carried off as many of their
kill'd and wounded as they could, they
left about three hundred dead in the
Field. We lay on our Arms all Night
as we had done the two preceeding ones;
on the 20th in the afternoon we form'd

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

Battalia from Hudson's River on our left,
to Freeman's Farm on our Right two
Miles, we lay on our Arms this night
likewise, and in the Morning of the 21st
pitch'd our Tents; our Piquets and ad-
vanced guards were frequently skirm-
ishing till the 7th Oct.

On the 7th Oct. detachments from the
Army were order'd to parade at 10
o'clock consisting of Captn Frasers Co.
of Marksmen.

Lt. Co.,— M. — C. — S. ,— R. & f.

1 -

Lt. Co.,

Canadian Volunteers and

Provincial Do.
Grenadiers
Lt. Infantry
24th Regiment

Total Advance Corps

Lieut. Col. Bremens Corps
Detachments from the

British Regiment of the

Line
Regt of Hesse Hanau
Artillery

— 2 -

-M.,-C.

" 50
-S. ,-R. & f.
-2 50

2 — 4-
1 — 5—10-
1 — 5—10-

-100
-250
-250
200

1 2—17—35 850

Lt. Co. ,-M.,-C.,-S.,-R. & f.
-100

-250
-300

-TOO

Total 2 2 — 24 — 48 1700

These detachments mov'd according
to order, by the right in three Columns :
Light Infantry and 24th Regiment with
Bremens Corps form'd the Column of
the Right with two six pounders, taking
their route thro' the Wood on the Right
of Freemans Farm.

The Grenadiers and Regiment of
Hesse Hanau, form'd the Center Col-
umn with two twelve pounders, and two
eight inch Howitzers marching thro' the
open Field ; The Detachments of the
Line, with the Canadian Volunteers and
Provincials form'd the Column of the
left marching thro' the wood where the
engagement on the 19th September was
fought ; about 3 o'clock a body of Reb-

els march'd out of their Lines (which
assured us they had intelligence of our
being in motion) toward our right, and
another under cover of a Wood, mov'd
toward our twelve pounders rather to
their left we form'd as follows: The
Light Infantry with their Right occupy-
ing a height, next the 24th Regiment,
and Bremens Corps on their left which
form'd the right face, one hundred yards
distance from the twelve pounders ;
Then the Regiment of Hesse Hanau,
next the Battalion of British Grenadiers,
on their left the Detachments of the
Line, Provincials Canadians and Frasers
Marksmen which form'd the left face.

About four o'clock the Action became
very hot upon the Regiment of Hesse
Hanau and the British Grenadiers. The
24th Regt. was order'd to move to the
left of the British Grenadiers; on seeing
this reinforcement the Rebels retreated,
the Body that march'd towards our
Right, and was commanded by Major
Genl. Arnold march'd thro' the Wood,
on the right of the height occupied by
the Light Infantry until he came in front
of Bremens Lines, which he reconnoi-
tred and finding them weakly man'd he
immediately storm'd and carried them;
on which we were ordered to retreat to
our Lines. The Number of the Rebels
engaged were six thousand, in two col-
umns, as above mentioned, under the
command of Lincoln and Arnold.

On our retreating the whole rush'd
from their Lines and began a very spirited
attack upon ours which was bravely de-
fended by the British, and Night coming
on, put an end to the Action. We lost
the two twelve pounders and four six
pounders; we had Brigadier Genl. Fra-

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

I II

ser, Lieut. Colonel Bremen, two Cap-
tains, seven subalterns, five Sergeants,
one hundred and sixty Rank and file
killed : Majors Ackland and Williams,
with two Captains, eight subalterns, six-
teen serg'ts, seven Drumrs two hundred
and thirty four Rank and file prisoners.

In the Night about one o'clock we
struck Tents and retreated to the heights
on our left, near Hudson's River; on the
8th about seven o'clock a large body of
Rebels advanc'd towards us along the
River side. A Cannonade immediately
began in about half an hour, they re-
treated, leaving a party to cover two six-
pounders which continued to play with-
out doing any damage, except killing
one Artillery man, and a horse; about
Noon we dismounted one of their guns,
on which they drew off the other, and
retreated; at sunset they began a fresh
cannonade, which ceas'd with the day,
doing no damage. We retreated again
this night, and arriv'd on the heights of
Devogot about 8 o'clock on the morning
of the 9th having intelligence that a
body of Rebels was advancing to harass
our Rear, we again began to retreat, and
arriv'd at Fishkill about seven o'clock,
which we immediately cross'd, and took
post on the height of Saratoga.

On the 10th the Rebels advance party
made their appearance the other side of
Fish Kill, on a small hill near Schuyler's
House; the 24th Battalion being posted
close to the River, had a Captain and
six Men wounded by their Riflemen,
who fired from the tops of Trees of the
other side.

A disposition was made for retreating
this evening, but advice being receiv'd
that the Rebels were in possession of the

heights of Fort Edward, which com-
manded the Ford of the River; the re-
treat was countermanded.

General Burgoyne was astonished when
he heard the Rebels were in possession
of the above mentioned heights; the
manner they effected it was as follows: —

When the Militia of Massachusetts
Bay receiv'd orders to join General
Gates, those who had horses (to ease
themselves of the fatigue of the jour-
ney) took them with them; on the 9th
Genl. Gates gave orders for the assem-
bling all the horses of that Army (Artil-
lery horses excepted) a detachment of
one thousand Men was order'd likewise
to assemble at sunset the same evening,
with two pieces of Cannon, he order'd
two men to mount each horse, and one
each of those that drew the cannon.

Brigadier Fellows commanded this
detachment, and his orders was to march
on the east side of the River, pass the
British Army that night, and take pos-
session of the heights of Fort Edward,
before he stopt, which he effected early
the morning of the 10th; the distance is
about twenty-six miles.

On the nth we saw Body's of the
Rebels marching and taking possession
of the heights opposite to us on the east
side of the River Hudson.

On the 1 2th frequent cannonading
and skirmishing; commanding officers
of Regiments were sent for by General
Burgoyne, to know what a face their
Regiments bore. The answer of the
British, they would fight to a Man. The
German officers returned to their Regi-
ments, to know the disposition of their
Men; they answer'd, " nix the money,
nix the rum, nix tighten."

112

REPRINTS

The British Regiments being reduced
in number to about nineteen hundred,
and having no dependence on the Ger-
mans; General Burgoyne on the 13th
October open'd a treaty with Major
Genl. Gates.

LETTER OF THOMAS PAINE TO
CITIZEN DANTON.

Paris May 6 {second year of the repub-
lic). Citoyen Danton: As you read
English, I write this letter to you with-
out passing it through the hands of a
translator.

I am exceedingly distressed at the
distractions, jealousies, discontents, and
uneasiness that reign among us, and
which if they continue, will bring ruin
and disgrace on the republic. When I
left America in the year 1787 it was my
intention to return the year following,
but the French revolution, and the pros-
pect it afforded of extending the princi-
ples of liberty and fraternity through
the greater part of Europe, have induced
me to prolong my stay upwards of six
years. I now dispair of seeing the great
object of European liberty accomplished,
and my dispair arises not from the com-
bined foreign powers, not from the in-
trigues of aristocracy and priestcraft,
but from the tumultuous misconduct
with which the international affairs of the
present revolution is conducted.

All that can now be hoped for is lim-
ited to France only, and I perfectly agree
with your motion of not interfering in
the government of any foreign country,
nor permitting any foreign country to
interfere in the government of France.
This decree was necessary as a prelim-

inary towards terminating the war; but
while those internal contentions con-
tinue, while the hope remains to the en-
emy of seeing the republic fall to pieces,
while not only the representatives of
departments but representation itself is
publicly insulted, as it has lately been
and now is, by the people of Paris, or at
least by the tribunes, the enemy will be
encouraged to hang about the frontiers
and wait the the event of circumstances.

I observe that the confederated pow-
ers have not yet recognized Monsieur or
d' Artois as regent, nor made any pro-
clamation in favor of the Bourbons ; but
this negative conduct admits of two dif-
ferent conclusions. The one is that of
abandoning the Bourbons and the war
together; the other is that of changing
the object of the war and substituting a
partition scheme in the place of their first
object, as they have done by Poland.
If this should be their object the inter-
nal contentions that now rage will favor
that object far more than it favored their
former object. The danger every day
increases of a rupture between Paris
and the departments. The departments
did not send their deputies to Paris to
be insulted, and every insult shown to
them is an insult to the department that
elected and sent them. I see but one
effectual plan to prevent this rupture
taking place, and that is to fix the resi-
dence of the convention and of the future
assemblies at a distance from Paris.

I saw, during the American Revolu-
tion, the exceeding inconveniences that
arose by having the Government of Con-
gress within the limits of any municipal
jurisdiction. Congress first resided at
Philadelphia, and, after a residence of

REPRINTS

113

four years it found it necessary to leave
it. It then adjourned to the state of
Jersey; it afterwards removed to New
York; it again removed from New York
to Philadelphia, and, after experiencing
in every one of these places the great
inconvenience of a government within
a government, it formed the project of
building a town, not within the limits of
any municipal jurisdiction, for the future
residence of Congress. In every one of
the places where Congress resided the
municipal authority privately or openly
opposed itself to the authority of Con-
gress, and the people of each of these
places expected more attention from
Congress than their equal share with the
other states amounted to. The same
thing now takes place in Paris, but in a
far greater excess.

1 see also another embarrassing cir-
cumstance arising in Paris of which we
have had full experience in America. I
mean that of fixing the price of provis-
ions. But if this measure is to be at-
tempted, it ought to be done by the
municipality. The convention has noth-
ing to do with regulations of this kind,
neither can they be carried into practice.
The people of Paris may say they will
not give more than a certain price for
provisions, but they cannot compel
the country-people to bring provisions
to market, the consequence will be di-
rectly contrary to their expectations, and
they will find dearness and famine in-
stead of plenty and cheapness. They
may force the price down upon the stock
in hand, but after that the market will
be empty. I will give you an example.

In Philadelphia we undertook among
other regulations of this kind, to regu-

late the price of salt ; the consequence
was that no salt was brought to market,
and the price rose to thirty-six shillings
sterling per bushel. The price before
the war was only one shilling and six
pence per bushel ; and we regulated the
price of flour (farine) till there was none
in the market and the people were glad
to get it at any price.

There is also another circumstance to
be taken into account which is not much
attended to, the assignats are not of the
same value they were a year ago, and as
the quantity increases the value of them
will diminish. This gives the appear-
ance of things being dear when they are
not so in fact, for in the same proportion
that any kind of money falls in value,
articles rise in price. If it were not for
this the quantity of assignats would
be too great to be circulated. Paper
money in America fell so much in value
from the excessive quantity of it, that
in the year 1781 I gave three hundred
paper dollars for one pair of worsted
stockings. What I write you on this sub-
ject is experience not merely opinion.

I have no personal interest in any of
those matters, nor in any party disputes;
I attend only to general principles. As
soon as a constitution shall be estab-
lished, I shall return to America, and
be the future prosperity of France ever
so great, I shall enjoy no other part of
it than the happiness of knowing it. In
the meantime I am distressed to see
matters so badly conducted, and so little
attention paid to moral principles. It
is these things that injure the character of
the Revolution and discourage the pro-
gress of liberty all over the world.

When I began this letter I did not

REPRINTS

intend making it so lengthy, but since I
have gone thus far I will fill up the re-
mainder of the sheet with such matters
as shall occur to me.

There ought to be some regulation,
with respect to the spirit of denuncia-
tion that now prevails. If every individ-
ual is to indulge his private malignancy
or his private ambition, to denounce at
random and without any kind of proof,
all confidence will be undermined and
all authority be destroyed. Calumny is
a species of treachery that ought to be
punished as well as any other kind of
treachery. It is a private vice product-
ive of a public evil, because it is possi-
ble to irritate men into disaffection by
continual calumny, who never intended
to be disaffected. It is, therefore, equal-
ly as necessary to guard against the evils
of unfounded or malignant suspicion as
against the evils of blind confidence.
It is equally as necessary to protect the
characters of public officers from cal-
umny as it is to punish them for treach-
ery or misconduct. For my own part I
shall hold it a matter of doubt, until bet-
ter evidence arise than is known at
present, whether Dumourier has been a
traitor from policy or resentment. There
certainly was a time when he acted well,
but it is not every man whose mind is
strong enough to bear up against ingrat-
itude, and I think he experienced a great
deal of this before he revolted.

Calumny becomes harmless and de-
feats itself when it attemps to act upon
too large a scale. Thus, the denuncia-
tions of the sections against the twenty-
two deputies falls to the ground. The
departments that elected them are bet-
ter judges of their moral and political

characters than those who have de-
nounced them. This denunciation will
injure Paris in the opinion of the de-
partments, because it has the appearance
of dictating to them what sort of depu-
ties they shall elect. Most of the ac-
quaintance that I have in the convention
are among those who are in that list, and
I know there are not better men nor
better patriots than what they are.

I have written a letter to Murat of the
same date as this, but not on the same
subject. He may show it to you if he
chooses. Votre ami.

Thomas Paine. [L. S.]

From the Foreign Relations of the
United States, 1876.

A REMARKABLE CHARACTER

From the Portsmouth (JV. H.) Journal.

There is at the Almshouse in this town
a very venerable and interesting old man,
whose name is Donald MacDonald. He
was born at Inverness, Scotland, in the
reign of George I., Oct. 14, A. D. 1722.
His birth place was at a little distance
from the field where the celebrated bat-
tle of Culloden was afterwards fought.
His grand parents belonged to Inverness ;
his grandfather lived to be 131 years of
age and " crawled on all fours before he
died." Donald's father, named John
MacDonald, was a farmer of Inverness.
He lived to be 107 years of age, and
served in Queen Ann's wars ; he had 14
children, of whom Donald was the young-
est. His death was caused by some
accident as late as the year 1779. The
mother lived to the age of 98.

Donald himself was taught the Erse
language as his mother-tongue and was

REPRINTS

115

educated in the Roman Catholic faith,
to which he is still attached, and he
talks of the preaching of Father Foster,
the minister of his childhood. When
Donald was only nine years of age, he
went to sea as a Captain's Boy. His
first voyage was to Canton, and it lasted
about three years and a half. He con-
tinued going to sea till he was 17 years
of age, when he enlisted as a private in
the English army, and was attached to
the Black Highland Watch, a regiment
so called from wearing a black dress, but
which afterwards received the name of
the 426. Royal Highlanders. In the year
1746 he went over to Flanders, served in
the Campaign there, and received seve-
ral sabre wounds in the head, one of
which has left a large scar running from
his forehead to the back part of his
head. His regiment behaved so gallantly
in that battle, that the French general
said, if it had not been for the broad
swords and blue caps, he would have de-
stroyed the army. After this battle he
went in 1748 to Hamburgh, where he
remained two years and three months ;
continuing in the 42d Royal Highlanders
he came over with them under Gen. Brad-
dock in 1 75 2 to this country. He arrived
at Alexandria and went to Pittsburgh,
where the army had many skirmishes
with the Indians, and was with Brad-
dock at the time of his death. After
peace was made with the Indians in
1755, MacDonald went to Philadelphia
and then to Ticonderoga, where he was
again engaged in a severe action ; after-
wards he went with his regiment to Al-
bany, descended by water to New York,
and embarked with three transports for
Quebec. When off the plains of Abra-

ham, he among others were actively en-
gaged in cutting into steps the precipitous
and high bank of the river ; he states
the troops ascended them two by two,
and were soon marshalled on the Plains.
He was at this time a sergeant ; he says
Wolfe gave the word of command with a
strong and noble voice and he saw him
repeatedly on the field. He remained
four months in Quebec and then went
home to Scotland, and in 1760 was mar-
ried to Mary MacDonald. Being dis-
charged from the army he came out in
1 76 1 with his wife and one child to New
York and ever afterwards considered
New York as his home. In 1776 he
shipped at Baltimore to join Paul Jones,
and states that he was captured by an
English frigate off Long Island, and con-
fined on board the Prison ship Jersey
four years and upwards. On being re-
leased he joined the American army, but
Gen. Washington sent him to New York
to his wife and children, lest he should
be severely treated, if again made a pris-
oner of war, and kindly furnished him
a passport home. After the revolution
he was often employed as a sailor in the
merchant service. He served three years
as a seaman on board an American frigate.
He has continued to go to sea till
about 15 years since, when sailing from
Eastport to Halifax, he was so much
frozen as to lose entirely the use of his
fingers, and his little fingers were ampu-
tated. His home is the Alms House at
New York ; his wife has been dead
about 65 years ; he has had five children,
only two are now living, one is a daughter
about 67 years of age, married and re-
siding in Albany, the other is a son set-
tled in St. Andrews, New Brunswick.

NOTES

For little more than a year Mr. Mac-
Donald has been living with a son at
Buffalo, but the son dying the last
autumn, the father proposed to go to
St. Andrews to pass the remainder of
his days with his other and only son.
Much of the way from Buffalo Mr. Mac-
Donald has traveled on foot, and states
that he can and does walk about a
dozen or fourteen miles a day with ease.
Discouraged and disappointed in hearing
nothing about his son at St. Andrews, he
will extend his journey no further east-
ward than this place, but designs as soon
as the state of the roads will permit to re-
turn to New York. Mr. MacDonald is
five feet six inches in height, well built
and still shows a brawny muscle. He
has a strongly marked intelligent coun-
tenance expressive of great firmness and
ardour. His complexion is fair and in-
clining to be florid, exhibiting few wrin-
kles and by no means extreme old age.
His posture is but little inclined when he
walks ; and his step is firm and elastic
and his movements light and easy. The
top of his head is bald, but the sides and
back present long and thick silvery locks.
His eyesight is too much dimmed for
reading, but in other respects he does
not seem to experience any material in-
convenience from it. He is a good deal
deaf, but with his right ear hears dis-
tinctly a strong clear voice. All his up-
per teeth are gone, but the greater part of
his lower teeth remain and are all double.
His memory is perfectly good, and he
converses with a strong voice and in
very good language. He professes a
sincere belief in religion and has been a
communicant in the Roman Catholic
Church. He is poor though happy, and

we hope that he will ever find friends
throughout his journey of life.

The above is the account which he gives
of himself. We vouch not for its truth,
but a severe cross-examination does not
allow us to doubt his narative. Strange
to tell he has not received any pension
money from England or this country;
and those who have any compassion for
this poor scarred veteran soldier, now in
the one hundred and fifth year of his age,
may assist in paying a just claim on our
country, may sweeten the last days of
an unfortunate stranger ; and experience
some of the richest benedictions from
the Almighty Almoner. — Commercial Ad-
vertiser, February 21, 1827.

NOTES

Copley the artist. — The story of
Copley's "Boy with a Squirrel," which,
sent to London, obtained so much favor
that he was advised to go to England, is
well known. The picture represents his
half-brother, Henry Pelham, seated at a
table, on which is perched a squirrel
cracking a nut. Owing to the non-
arrival of the letter which should have
accompanied it the artist's name was not
known, and it was some time before his
correct address was ascertained ; even
then he was at first styled William Cop-
ley, a fact which we learn from the Life
of Sir Joshua Reynolds, as also that the
picture was placed on exhibition in 1766.
The London Chronicle of May 17, 1766,
contains M A candid and impartial Re-
view of the Paintings exhibited at the
Great Room, Spring Garden, Charing
Cross," by Candidus, St. James, Smyrna
Coffee-house." Concerning No. 24 the

NOTES

117

writer makes the following observation :
" A boy with a flying squirrel, very clear.
I am told that this is the performance of
a young artist; if so, with proper appli-
cation there is no doubt of his making a
very good painter. The shadow of the
flesh rather too dark."

This painting undoubtedly first drew
attention to the artist's merits in the old
country, but as Copley did not visit Eng-
land until some eight years later, it can
scarcely be supposed that it was the
praises of this one production of his pen-
cil which induced such a change on his
part. In 1772 he finished the portrait
of Mrs. Mary Devereux, wife of Capt.
Humphrey Devereux of Marblehead.
This lady, then at the age of 62 years,
the daughter of Captain John Charnock
of Boston, was by a former marriage the
mother of John Greenwood, an Ameri-
can artist, prior to Copley, and then lo-
cated in London. To this gentleman
the picture was sent, and placed on ex-
hibition. The writer has a pencil out-
line of the painting, beneath which is
the following inscription :

" Portrait of my Grandmother. Cop-
ied from a picture painted by J. S. Cop-
ley at Boston in 1772.

" N. B. This picture was sent to Eng-
land, and gained Copley so much credit
as induced him to visit that country,
where he has remained ever since."

The original is in the possession of
Dr. John D. Greenwood of Motueka,
New Zealand, and it is related in the
family that so much did Reynolds ad-
mire the painting that on visiting the
house of Mr. Greenwood, the artist, on
Leicester Square, in London, he would
mount a table the better to examine it,

exclaiming after a lapse of time, and with
a shake of his head : " Ah ! Copley does
not paint like that now ! "

Isaac J. Greenwood.

New England flag. — Ini7o5Prince
George of Denmark, the Royal Consort
and Lord High Admiral, by direction of
Queen Anne prepared drawings of all the
flags, ensigns and signals necessary for the
use of the navy and vessels of commerce
of the kingdom, to the number of seventy-
six. They were engraved on one plate,
adopted by Royal Proclamation, and
published for circulation under the title,
" A general view of the flags which most
nations bear at sea." Sea Laws, 2d ed.,
p. 1. Among these flags was the " New
England Ensign," which thus became
established by law. It was a red flag —
a red field with a St. George's cross, and
in the upper canton of the St. George
union, next to the staff, was a tree. The
New England Ensign was the regular
English Ensign, with the addition of the
tree.

The following is a copy of the Royal
Proclamation, copied from Sea Laws, 2d
edition, page 684. It can also be found
in the Boston Naus Letter of October
29, 1705.

" By the Queen — A Proclamation.
u Anne R.

"Whereas, it has been Represented to
us, That not only many Inconveniences
have already happened, but that the like
may hereafter attend the Trade of Our
Subjests, not only in their Outward, but
Homeward bound Voyages, for want of
necessary Instructions and Signals to be
observed by the Captains of Our Ships
of War, which shall have Merchant

NOTES

Ships and Vessels under their Convoy,
as well as by the respective Masters of
those Ships and Vessels.

" And Whereas, there has been pre-
pared and laid before Us, by Our most
Dear Consort, Prince George of Den-
mark, Our High Admiral of England, a
Draught of such Instructions and Sig-
nals as may be proper on this Occasion :
We therefore, out of Our Princely Care
and Compassion of all our Loving Sub-
jects Trading by Sea, and for their bet-
ter Protection and Security, have thought
fit, by and with the Advice of Our Privy
Council, to issue out this Our Royal
Proclamation, hereby strictly charging
and requiring all Masters of Merchant
Ships and Vessels belonging to Our Sub-
jects, not only to furnish themselves
from time to time with the said Instruc-
tions and Signals from the Commander-
in-Chief of the Convoy they may be un-
der, for which purpose the same shall
be Printed and Transmitted to them,
but also to take particular care to com-
ply with every Part of the said Instruc-
tions, which are calculated on purpose
for the Safety and Security of them and
their Ships, and the Merchant's Effects
on board them.

Given at Our Court at St. James's
the Third Day of May, in the Fourth
Year of Our Reign.
Ann. Dom. 1705.

God Save the Queen."
E. C. B.

repos it was take hats and retire. Gen-
eral Wayne, who, fortunately for Amer-
ica, understood fighting much better than
French, had some how or other taken
up a notion that this same bon repos, to
whom Washington always gave his last
bumber, must have been some great
warrior of times of old. Having by
some extraordinary luck gotten into his
possession two or three dozen of good
old wine, he invited a number of hearty
fellow-officers to dine with him, and
help him to break them to the health
of America. As soon as the cloth was
removed and the bottles on the table,
the hero of Stony Point cried out :
" Come, my brave comrades, fill your
glasses — here's old bon repos forever ! "
The officers were struck with astonish-
ment ; and having turned off their glass-
es, rose up, one and all, to go. " Hey-day!
what's all this, gentlemen ? What's all
this?" Why, did you not drink bon re-
pos, or good night." " What! is that the
meaning of it?" "Yes"— "Well,
then, a fig for bon repos, and take your
seats again ; you shall not stir a peg, till
we have started every drop of our
drink ! " — The Weekly Visitor, July
2SI/1, 1804. Petersfield.

Anecdote of general wayne. —
Bon repos is the French cant for good
night. Washington drank it for a signal
to break up ; for the moment the com-
pany had swallowed the General's bon

The spread eagle. — The following
sublime toast was swallowed at Water-
ville, Maine, at a Democratic celebration
on the 4th of July, 1815 :

" The Eagle of the United States— May
she extend her wings from the Atlantic
to the Pacific Ocean ; and fixing her tal-
ons on the Isthmus of Darien stretch with
her beak to the Northern Pole."

To show that this remarkable bird still
survives, I take the following extract

NOTES

II 9

from the proceedings of Congress of No-
vember 7, 1877 :

'■'House of Representatives, Washington.
Mr. Price. I do not know anything
about the elder Peel's opinion, and do
not care much about his son. I live in
the afternoon of the nineteenth century,
and am legislating for the people who
live in the afternoon of the nineteenth
century. And while I have the lamp of
experience to guide my feet in the path
of the future I am pretty safe, so long as
I keep in it. While values in England
in that time may have gone down 60 per
cent., values here have gone up, because
gold has gone down from 280 to 103.
Do not compare this country with any
other. There is no country to compare
it with. There is no place to make a
country to compare it with. In England
you may take a railroad car in the morn-
ing and start out in a straight line, and
before the sun sets you will run over the
edge. You cannot compare mole hills
with mountains. You may contrast them,
but you cannot compare them. Step out
from yonder eastern limit and see the
King of Day shaking the water from his
wings. He takes his course westward
not six hundred miles only — nor a thous-
and miles, nor two, nor three thousand
miles only — but he has traversed nearly
four thousand miles when he sinks to rest
behind the golden waves of the Pacific ;
or take your stand up at the frozen North,
where the Ice King reigns, and follow
down through all the degrees of latitude
till you have reached the land of the
orange and the pine, and there you have
a country which, for diversity of clime
and products, has no equal on the globe.
And you cannot make such a coun-

try anywhere else, for there is no other
place to make it. This is our coun-
try. It has one Constitution, one flag,
and one destiny, and I purpose (so far as
my ability extends) to keep it in the path-
way of duty till it shall arrive at the goal,
and the capstone shall be upon it in
time."

" Mr. Kelley. Big as the country is,
the American eagle can flap his wings
over every acre, and scream defiance to
all creation. It is a great bird."

W. K.

Civil service reform. — That the true
policy of administration should be not so
much to put new men, no matter how
good, in office, but to retain those who
are serviceable, is illustrated by the fol-
lowing incident. Early in the first term
of Lincoln's administration a delegation
from western Pennsylvania waited upon
Mr. Chase, then Secretary of the Treas-
ury, to demand the removal of an official
in his department. The Secretary was
for the moment engaged, but directed his
clerk to bring out the papers upon which
the appointment was made and the record
of service. When at leisure he turned
to the gentlemen, who had patiently
waited, and asking again their several
names, handed them the petition for ap-
pointment, and enquired of each in turn
whether theirs' were not the signatures to
the application. In some confusion they
acknowledged their signatures, but re-
marked that there had been changes in
the political situation since that period.
Mr. Chase quietly observed, extending
the second paper : " this is the record
of service of the gentleman you recom-
mended. He is an excellent officer and

ISO

NOTES

shall be retained." We submit this as
an admirable precedent for this and all
administrations. Witness.

Virginia riflemen. — The Richmond
Compiler of July, 1813, thus describes
the rifle companies who had volunteered
their services to defend that place :
" They are fine, hardy-looking men, clad
in the backwoods costume (the hunting
shirt) and armed with their own rifles,
with which from their youth up they
have been familiarized to the occupation
of deer hunting or the amusement of
scalping squirrels and decapitating wood-
peckers." W. K.

Christopher columbus not a saint.
— The Vatican has decided not to make
Columbus a saint, because he never was
one. That is the sense of the opinion
expressed by the congregations. They
base their refusal to beatify him on the
grounds that his Christian virtues have
not been exemplified by any great deed;
that, apart from his discovery of America,
his public and private life were open to
grave reproach; that, until now, nobody
ever thought of regarding him as a saint
or invoking him as such; and, finally,
that it is very doubtful whether he died
a good Catholic. M. l'Abbe Cadonet
has thus written his thick volume advo-
cating the canonization of the great dis-
coverer in vain. — London Exaniincr, Oct.
1877.

Uniforms of the continental
army. — Gen. John Armstrong stated,
1820, that "two silver stars, on gold
straps, were the insignia of a Brigadier-
General's epaulettes " in 1777. W.K.

Red hot democrat. — This term, so
familiar to residents of New York at the
present time, in connection with the edi-
torial labors of Mark L. Pomeroy, was
applied July 20, 1815, by Barnet Gar-
denier, the pugnacious federalist, who
published The Examiner at New York.
It appeared in that periodical (iv., 278)
heading some comments on the action
of William Woods, of Baltimore.

Petersfield.

Gowans the bookseller. — A refer-
ence to the late Mr. Gowan's in the ar-
ticle (by me) Keese-ana, in the Decem-
ber number of the Magazine of Ameri-
can History, erroneously credited him
with an Irish nativity when, in fact, he
really was of Scottish birth. Although
I am confident that Mr. Gowans would
have made an admirable Irishman, still
I cannot rest until the correction be
made and his name identified with the
land of Robert Burns.

William L. Keese.

American independency. — Extract
of a letter from New York dated January
16, 1766. "We seem ripe for a revolt,
and to throw off all dependency on
Great Britain. The party papers tell
us we are able to subsist without trade
to Great Britain." A.

American cannibalism. — Doctor
Younglove, surgeon of Gen. Herkimer's
brigade, who was taken prisoner at Fort
Stanwix, made a statement at Albany in
December, 1777, that the provost guard

QUERIES

121

who had charge of the prisoners received
orders " not to use any violence in keep-
ing the savages from the prisoners. In
consequence of which the Indians ac-
tually came in large companies with
their knives, entered the guard house
for to feel of the prisoners to discover
the fattest; they dragged one out of the
house, massacred and eat him, as they
and the tories said." — Connecticut Gazette,
March 27, 1778. W. K.

Massachusetts toasts july 4
1 81 3. — The memory of Washington —
Like Elijah, he has indeed ascended,
but alas ! his mantle has not fallen.

The new State of Louisiana — Though
she is the illegitimate child of the
Twelfth Congress, yet the United States
must acknowledge her a sister-in-law.

American Commerce — It asks thous-
ands for defense, and would give mil-
lions for revenue.

War for conquest — May those who
like it pay the piper. VV. K.

Society of the Cincinnati. — The
Rhode Island State Society has been re-
organized with the following board of
officers: President, Nathaniel Greene,
Newport; Vice President, Simon Henry
Greene, Riverpoint; Secretary, Dr. Hen-
ry E. Turner, Newport; Assistant Secre-
tary, Prof. Asa Bird Gardner, West Point,
N. Y.; Treasurer, Samuel C. Blodget,
Providence; Assistant Treasurer, Dr.
David King, Newport. Editor.

Miss Walker and Robert Raikes. This
is an error, and it is time it should be
corrected. The credit properly belongs
to Morgan Jones, whose pretended state-
ment, which originally appeared in the
Gentlemen's Magazine in 1740, is so
often quoted to prove that Madoc dis-
covered America in n 70. Mr. Jones
established a Sabbath school at New-
town, Long Island, Feb. 28th, 1683,
nearly a century before Mr. Raikes
commenced his efforts in England.
Alleghany, Pa. Isaac Craig.

Colonial relic. — Gen. R. W. Jud-
son, of Ogdensburg, has among his his-
torical relics a commission issued by
Stephen Hopkins, while Governor of
Rhode Island, dated July 6, 1767, which
shows the same trembling hand that is
so well known in the signature of this
worthy old quaker while member of the
First Continental Congress, and on the
Declaration of Independence. V.

The first Sunday school. — The
credit of establishing the first Sabbath
school has generally been ascribed to

QUERIES

Lord percy at brandywine. — It
has been reported many times in the
last hundred years that Lord Percy, who
commanded the British reinforcements
sent to Lexington in April, 1775, took
part in the battle of Brandywine and
there perished. A friend who recently
visited that battlefield tells me that Lord
Percy's grave was there pointed out to
him by a person who assumed to be ac-
quainted with that site and the incidents
of the battle.

I have followed the career of Lord
Percy while in America with sufficient
minuteness to find that he returned to

122

REPLIES

England in May, 1777, and never came
back. The battle of Brandywine was
fought in September, 1777.

May not the report of his having been
in that action be traced to the story re-
lated of a gallant young Percy, of the
great house of Percy, who was " a vol-
unteer in the suite of one of the British
Generals " in that celebrated battle,
and was slain ? This story may be found
on pages 86 and 87 of the second vol-
ume of Watson's Annals of Philadelphia,
and is new to me. The incidents savor
more of romance than historic truth.
Has this story any foundation ?

Boston. C. W. T.

Obelisk to pitt. — " Philadelphia,
February 19, 1767. A gentleman at the
head of Chesapeake Bay intends to erect
in the most conspicuous Part of his
Garden an Obelisk, with the following
inscription on it.

A Tribute, due to

The Illustrious Pitt,

(Now Lord Chatham)

And all those Worthies

who so eminently distinguished

themselves

By reconciling the Parent and the

children,

In the Year m.dcc.lxvi."

Who was this patriotic gentlemen, his

place of residence, and did he erect the

monument ? Petersfield.

Celeron or Celoron ? — Which is
the correct mode of spelling the name
of the French commandant who, in 1749,
buried the leaden plates along the Ohio
river ? I observe that Mr. Huidekoper,
in the January number, follows Irving

and others, and spells it Celeron ; yet
on the plates discovered it is clearly
Celoron. Isaac Craig.

Alleghany, Pa.

Memorial of Wolfe. — Morse and
Lynsen, auctioneers in New York city,
sold July 21, 1767, the following inter-
esting memorials of Wolfe: " A Com-
pleat Camp Kitchen, formerly the Prop-
erty of Major General Wolfe; a Parcel
of Decanters and Wine-Glasses, China
Bowls, and some Furniture."

Are any of these articles known to
exist at the present time? W. K.

Plato in English. — Can any one tell
where William Box, of Virginia, whose
letter of 161 1 is quoted in Capt. John
Smith's History found the following?
" It was divinely spoken of the heathen
Socrates, 'If God for man be careful,
why should man be over-distrustful ? for
He hath so tempered the contrary quali-
ties of the elements,
That neither cold things want heat, nor moist

things dry,
Nor sad things spirit to quicken them thereby,
Yet walk they musical content of contrariety,
Which conquer'd, knits them in such links to-
gether,
They do produce even all this whatsoever.' "
Lowndes gives only one piece from Plato
as printed in English prior to 1611, the
"Axiochus," Edinburg, 1592. D.

REPLIES

The famous post rider. — (I. 631.)
We can assure the Public that Mr. Eben-
ezer Hurd, of Connecticut, who has rode
Post for 40 years between this city and
Saybrook, had made in his own Family,

REPLIES

123

this present year, by only his Wife and
Children, no less than 500 yards of Linen
and Woolen, the whole of the Wool and
Flax of his own raising. — New York
Mercury, Dec. 28, 1767. W K.

Richard b. davis. — (I. 762.) The
Calliopean Society was the first purely
literary institution established in the city
of New York. One of the members of
this society was Richard Bingham Davis,
who was much admired for his poetical
talents. In his appearance and man-
ners he is said to have reminded his
associates of Oliver Goldsmith. His
person was clumsy, his manner awk-
ward, his speech embarrassed, and his
simplicity most remarkable in one who
had been born and brought up in the
midst of a crowd of his fellow creatures.
He was born in New York August 21,
1771, was educated at Columbia College,
modestly pursued the business of his
father, in carving or sculpture in wood,
but was induced in 1796 to undertake
the editorial department of the Diary,
a daily gazette published in New York,
for which he wrote during a year. He
was too sensitive, and his literary tastes,
which lay in the direction of the belles
lettres, were too delicate for this pursuit.
He next engaged in mercantile affairs.
In 1799 he fell a victim to the yellow
fever, then prevailing in New York, car-
rying off the seed of the disease with
him to New Brunswick, N. J., where
he died in his 28th year. His poems
were expressions of personal feeling and
sentiment, and have a tinge of melan-
choly. They were collected by his
friends of the Calliopean Society after
his death, and published by Swords in

1807, with a well written prefatory me-
moir from the pen of John T. Irving.
An " Ode to Imagination " shows his
earnestness, as a clever " Elegy on an old
Wig found in the Streets " does his
humor. He was also a contributor to
the Drone papers in the New York Mag-
azine, where he drew a well written
character of himself under the name of
Marlet. — Duyckinck 's Cyclopedia of
American Literature. Crayon.

First fire engines in new york. —
(I. 574, 635.) Whereas it has been the
Custom for several years past for the
Inhabitants of North America to import
Fire Engines from foreign Parts; this is
to inform the Publick, that they are
made in the City of New York, as cheap
and as good as any imported from Eng-
land by Davis Hunt. — New York Mer-
cury, April 20, 1767. W. K.

William s. cardell. — (I. 633, II.
60.) A letter purporting to be from a
foreigner in New York to a friend in
England, containing severe reflections
on American literary institutions, was
written by W. S. Cardell, and published
in the Literary and Scientific Repository
for October, 1820.

William s. cardell died in Lancas-
ter, Pa,. Aug. 10th, 1828. He had been
teaching his system of English Grammar
to a class and died after a brief illness.
An obituary notice speaks of him as a
highly talented and amiable young man.
A second edition of his " Elements of
English Grammar " was published by
Uriah Hunt, Philadelphia, 1827.

West Chester, Pa.

J. S. F.

I2 4

PROCEEDINGS OF THE N. Y. HISTORICAL SOCIETY

JANUARY PROCEEDINGS

OF THE NEW YORK HISTORICAL

SOCIETY

The Annual Meeting was held in the
Hall of the Society, Wednesday even-
ing, January 2d, 1878, the President,
Frederic de Peyster, LL. D., in the
Chair. After the usual formal business,
the Annual Reports were presented.

The Treasurer's Report showed a bal-
ance to the credit of the Society in the
Manhattan Company of $11,425.17, and
invested securities to the amount of
$46,900.00.

The report of the Executive Com-
mittee showed that the Society had held
during the year nine stated and two spe-
cial meetings. The papers read at reg-
ular meetings had been valuable and
instructive. In addition, two special
meetings had been held in commemora-
tion of historical events, viz. : May 8th,
at the Academy of Music, in honor of
the 100th Anniversary of the Adoption
of the Constitution of the State of New
York, when Mr. Charles O'Conor deliv-
ered an address on " The Constitutions ; "
the second, June 4th, in the Hall of the
Society, to celebrate the Centennial An-
niversary of the adoption of the Flag of
the United States, when Major-General
Schuyler Hamilton delivered an address
on " Our National Flag — its History in
a Century." Both of these valuable
papers have been printed. No anniver-
sary meeting was this year held. The
report closed with an urgent appeal to
the members of the Society to make,
the coming year, an effort to obtain a
location for the Society, more commo-
dious and accessible than the present
building.

The Librarian reported the number of
gifts to the Society during the year at
608 volumes, 891 pamphlets, 6 volumes
of newspapers, besides several maps, en-
gravings, broadsides and manuscripts.
The museum had been increased by 395
objects of interest, of which the most
valuable contribution was that of Messrs.
E. Ellery and Edward H. Anderson of
392 articles, collected by their father,
the late Dr. Henry J, Anderson, The
art collection received a portrait of
George Clinton, painted by Ezra Ames,
the gift of George Clinton Tallmage,
and a marble bust of the late Fran-
cis L. Hawks, D.D., by David Rich-
ard, presented by the Vestry of the
Church of the Holy Saviour. In addi-
tion to these, the portrait of Col. An-
drew Warner, for more than thirty years
the Recording Secretary of the Society,
ordered to be painted at the last annual
meeting, and executed by George A.
Baker, was announced as having been
received.

A resolution of thanks to Benjamin
H. Field, for his services as Treasurer
of the Society, was unanimously adopted.

The Annual Election for officers for
the ensuing year resulted in the choice
of the following : President, Frederic de
Peyster; First Vice-President, William
Cullen Bryant; Second Vice-President,
Benjamin H. Field ; Foreign Corre-
sponding Secretary, George H. Moore;
Domestic Corresponding Secretary, Evert

A. Duyckinck ; Recording Secretary,
Andrew Warner ; Treasurer, Benjamin

B. Sherman ; Librarian, John Austin
Stevens.

The business being concluded, the
Society adjourned.

LITERARY NOTICES

125

(Publishers of Historical Works wishing Notices, will address the Editor, with
Copies, Box 100, Station D — N. Y. Post office.)

PENNSYLVANIA ARCHIVES. SECOND

Series. Published under direction of Mat-
thew S. Quay, Secretary of the Common-
wealth. Edited by John B. Linn and Wm.
H. Egle, M. D. Vol. V. 8vo, pp. 875.
Lane & Hart, State Printers. Harrisburg,
1877.

The present volume of this valuable series is
exclusively devoted to "Papers relating to the
Colonies on the Delaware," from 1614 to 1682.
The greater part of these documents were tran-
scribed from the New York Colonial Archives
by an agent sent for the purpose by the Proprie-
tary Government in the year 1740, and in order
to make the series complete and continuous the
gaps have been filled by reprint, from Mr. O'Cal-
laghan's valuable "Collection of the Colonial
Documents of New York," of the later missing
papers.

These, together with the late additions to
the volumes of New York documents recently
noticed, constitute a large amount of interest-
ing information concerning the period when the
jurisdiction of the New Netherlands extended
over the Delaware colonies.

The editors notice a want of chronological
order in the arrangement of the papers at the
end of the volume, but the index fortunately
makes amends for their disarrangement.

ARE THE INDIANS DYING OUT? PRE-
LIMINARY Observations relating to In-
dian Civilization and Education. 8vo,
pp. 42. Washington, 1877.

This interesting report emanates from the De-
partment of the Interior, and is a contribution
towards the study of the difficult but important
problem as to whether the Indian tribes increase
or diminish under the pressure and influence of
civilization. The estimates made of their num-
ber differ widely. Thus the Secretary of War gave
the figures of 76,000 in 1789, exclusive of course of
the Texas and Mexican tribes since annexed with
the conquest of the territories. In 1854 School-
craft set down 388,229 as a probable estimate, the
census of the United States in 1853 gave 313,712,
and the Indian Bureau 291,882 in 1876. From
these figures there seems to be reason for the
hope that the Indian may yet be civilized and
preserved. Certain it is that we owe it to our-
selves, and to the Christianity we profess, to spare
no effort to this result.

GERRIT SMITH. A BIOGRAPHY. BY
Octavius Brooks Frothingham. 8vo, pp.
381. G. P. Putnam's Sons. New York, 1878.

In taking up this volume no one familiar with
the original character of Mr. Frothingham's mind
will be surprised to find the subject treated in a
novel manner. His purpose seems to have been
a philosophical analysis of the moral and mental
qualities of a nature remarkable for its strength,
tenacity and fidelity to principle in all times,
places and circumstances.

The titles of the ten chapters which make up
the volume are the guide marks by which we are
informed of the field examined in each. Thus
the first two, genealogical and personal, are en-
titled Parentage and Health. Then follow Re-
ligion, Humanity, Temperance, Slavery, The
War, The Peace, Philanthropy and The End,
in which the closing scenes of his life and a sum-
mary of his character and labors supply a fitting
close to this exhaustive and broad biography.
The book is prefaced with a fine steel engraved
portrait, in which every one familiar with the
noble and benignant countenance of this philan-
thropist and gentleman will find an admirable
delineation of those traits which, from their ge-
nial, cordial expression, attracted to him old and
young, awakening their affection, while they dis-
armed the animosities of those whose antagon-
ism the thorough radicalism of his opinions
aroused.

Descended from a parentage in which the
strong traits of the Dutch, Scotch and Irish races
were blended, Gerrit Smith was born at Utica
in 1797, two years before the Act of Emancipa-
tion, freeing all slaves born after the year 1 799,
was passed by the New York Legislature, an
example which, if followed by the other States,
might have saved a half century of discord and
suffering. He had just reached manhood when
the colonization schemes were first agitated.
These greatly interested him, and were the
gradual introduction to the Anti-Slavery Soci-
ety, of which he later became one of the firm
pillars and supports. It is not possible within
our limits to even glance at the progress of the
anti-slavery movement, nor at its consequences,
immediate or remote ; the end is not yet. Mr.
Smith, while eminently practical both in the
methods of his mind and his action in execution
of them, seizing thoroughly hold of the present
certain thing, was still something of an optim-
ist in his views of the future. He had the good
fortune to see the main desire of his life, the
freedom of the slave, realized, and his death in
the closing days of 1874 spared him the pain

126

LITERARY NOTICES

which the hot contest of the last presidential
election would have caused his warm and gen-
erous heart.

The reader will find that in the novel arrange-
ment of this sketch, of a character which will
stand in the annals of the United States as illus-
trious for its strength and integrity and general
charitableness as that of Wilberforce in those of
Great Britain, no drawback to its full under-
standing, while in every line he will find the
classic style and easy gracefulness of one of the
most fascinating and delightful of American au-
thors

CHARLES SUMNER'S EXPLANATION
in Reply to an Assault. A Speech pre-
pared for the United States Senate, March,
1871. 8vo, pp. 16. Lee & Shepard, Bos-
ton, 1878.

This is the famous paper upon the personal
relations of Mr. Sumner with the President and
Secretary of State, the publication of which in
the Tfibune, in April 6, 1874, gave rise to a
storm of angry controversy, since revived by
allusions to it in some of the recent eulogies on
Mr. Motley.

The paper itself was placed by Mr. Sumner
in the hands of his friend, Mr. F. W. Bird,
about the year 1871, and was not intended for
the public until after his death. We have no
intention of taking any side in this argument.
It may, however, be properly said here that each
of the four parties to the controversy — the Pres-
ident, the Secretary of State, Mr. Sumner and
Mr. Motley — had strong personal characterist-
ics, each was eminently "vir tenax propositi."
Homer sung a similar song of the dissensions of
the Grecian chiefs before the walls of Troy.

ANNALS OF THE TOWN OF WARREN,
in Knox County, Maine, with the Early
History of St. George's, Broad Bay and the
Neighboring Settlements on the Waldo Pat-
ent. By Cyrus Eaton, A. M. Second edi-
tion. 8vo, pp. 880. Masters & Livermore,
Hallowell, 1877.

This is a revision by Emily Eaton of the
original work which, taken from the lips of her
father, was published in 1857.

It carefully covers the period, to which the
title refers, with abundant local detail of interest
for historians, which an elaborate table of con-
tents renders unusually accessible : and at the
close there is a Genealogical Table of the In-
habitants of Warren, alphabetically arranged
and compiled from town and county records,
lists of mortality, monumental inscriptions and

other sources. The illustrations are by the heli-
otype process, but not of a high order.

Beginning with the discoveiy of the island of
St. George by Weymouth in 1605, now known
by its Indian name of Monhegan or Grand Isl-
and, the reader is carried methodically down to
the close of the year 1876. Nothing seems to
have been omitted which could interest or in-
struct the antiquarian or student.

THE HISTORY OF SHEFFORD, Civil,
Ecclesiastical, Biographical and Sta-
tistical. By C. Thomas. 8vo, pp. 143.
Lovell Printing and Publishing Company,
Montreal, 1877.

The township of Shefford was erected by Let-
ters Patent, dated February, 1801, and granted
in part to Capt. John Savage and his associates
from the Colonial Government. The mode of
these grants is worth notice in its contrast to our
own Land system. Any individual of responsi-
bility, who had sustained losses from his loyalty
or otherwise merited reward, could with others,
under certain conditions, obtain a grant of five-
sevenths of a township. The promoter of the
plan was called "Leader or Agent." The re-
maining two-sevenths was reserved for the sup-
port of the Protestant clergy and the disposition
of the town.

The local detail in this little volume is hardly
of a nature to interest readers on this side of the
border, but we are always happy to call atten-
tion to such works of this nature published in
the Dominion as fall into our hand.

MEMOIR OF JAMES WILLIAM BEEK-
MAN. Prepared at the request of the Saint
Nicholas Society of the City of New York by
Edward F. de Lancey. 8vo, pp. 17. Pub-
lished by the Society. New York, 1877.
Our readers will remember the sketch of this
amiable and cultivated gentleman, from the pen
of his life-long friend, Mr. Duyckinck, which ap-
peared in the November number of the Magazine.
In its exhaustive analysis of character Mr.
Duyckinck left little for later hands to glean,
but we find in the paper before us a careful ac-
count of the incidents which transpired in the
Beekman House, a construction of 1763, and
made it famous among our historic mansions.

The sketch is extremely graceful and a fitting
tribute to a warm friend and active companion
in many fields of social and public labor.

THE LAW OF TEXAS NOW IN FORCE
Touching Conveyancing and Registra-
tion, including the Statutes and Decisions of

LITERARY NOTICES

127

the Supreme Court of that State as to the
substance, form, authentication and registra-
tion of deeds and other written instruments,
authorized by law to be recorded to have ef-
fect as constructive notice. Compiled and
edited by William Alexander, formerly At-
torney-General. 8vo, pp. 188. Joseph A.
Nagle. Austin, Texas, 1877.
The authority of Mr. Alexander on the sub-
jects of which he treats is too well known to
need a word of comment from us. Familiar for
more than a quarter of a century with the laws
of Texas and practice under it, and peculiarly
qualified for a labor which demands judgment,
precision and care, his work cannot fail to find
its place on the shelves of those lawyers who
have any concern in the Texas lands which the
schemes now before Congress are bringing into
notice.

Criticism of the work is not within our prov-
ince or competence, but our intimate knowledge
of the author, his learning, training, habits of
thought and mode of labor warrant us in an un-
reserved commendation of whatever comes from
his pen.

WHY WE TRADE AND HOW WE TRADE,
or an Inquiry into the Extent to which
the existing commercial and fiscal policy of the
United States restricts the material prosperity
and development of the country. By David
A. Wells. Economic Monographs, No. 1.
8vo, pp. 67. G. P. Putnam's Sons. New
York, 1878.

THE SILVER QUESTION— THE DOL-
LAR of the Fathers versus the Dollar
of the Sons Also an extract from an article in
the North American Review, November, 1877,
on the Unconstitutionality of the Repeal of
the Obligations of the Resumption Act. By
David A. Wells. Economic Monographs,
No. 2. 8vo, pp. 47. G. P. Putnam's Sons.
New York, 1878.

We shall do no more than call the attention of
our readers to these valuable treatises, from our
best economic authority, with which the intelli-
gent and enterprising publishers begin their se-
ries. Mr. Wells is known both in this country
and abroad as, the best lance, if we except
Mr. Ruggles, of whom, as was said of Jove,
" to him there was no second" on the liberal
and rational side of American . political econ-
omy.

His treatises on our national resources during
the civil war gained him a reputation for author-

ity, which he has easily maintained. Of course
his arguments are in favor of taking off the re-
strictions that cripple the many for the benefit
of the few, and of a manly maintenance of na-
tional honor and national obligations.

BARTOW GENEALOGY, CONTAINING
every one of the name of Bartow de-
scended from Doctor Thomas Bartow, who
was living at Crediton, in England, A. D.
1672, with references to the books where any
of the name is mentioned by F. B. 8vo, pp.
59. Innes & Co. Baltimore, 1875.
The review of this class of works belongs to
genealogical registers rather than to historical
reviews. The Bartow family derives from the
Bertants of Bretagne, and more directly from the
Barteaus of Paris, whose descendants appear in
this country early in the last century. The first
of eminence was the Reverend John Bartow,
English born, a graduate of Christ College,
Cambridge, in 1692. In 1792 he was sent to
the New York Colony by the Propagation So-
ciety, and became the first Rector of St. Peter's
Church, Westchester County. An account of
his son, Theophilus Bartow, and of John Bar-
tow, his son, make up the fourth and fifth chap-
ters of this record, which we shall not pursue
further. The pamphlet is handsomely printed
and worthy of the attention of those interested
in family history.

SKETCH OF THE LIFE OF WILLIAM
Blanchard Towne, A. M., founder of the
Towne Memorial Fund of the New England
Historic Genealogical Society. By John
Ward Dean. 8vo, pp. 16. Published by the
N. E. Historic Genealogical Society. Boston,
1878.

This is a sketch of the life of an efficient officer
in the Society, of which Mr. Dean is a direct-
ing member, as well as the scholarly editor of the
well-known Historical and Genealogical Register.
Local as the interest of this sketch may be,
an interest always local, unless the personage be
of really national interest, there is to be found
in it, as in all that comes from Mr. Dean's pen,
opinions and views of character and life that
repay the perusal.

MEMOIR OF COL. JONATHAN EDDY
of Eddington, Maine, with some account of
the Eddy Family, and of the Early Settlers
on the Penobscot River. By Joseph W.
Porter, Burlington, Maine. 8vo, pp. 72.
Sprague, Owen & Nash. Augusta, 1S77.
We again call attention to another memoir.

128

LITERARY NOTICES

This commences with a sketch of Jonathan
Eddy, born in 1726, who in 1755 was an officer
of Col. Winslow's regiment in Nova Scotia.
His services in the war of the Revolution are
recounted, and the sketch closes with the Eddy
genealogy.

THE DEMOCRATIC REVIEW, NOVEM-
BER, 1877. Edited by Willis R. Bierly, Esq.
The Review Publishing Company, Williams-
port, Pa.

This is the first number, and opens with a bi-
ographical sketch of General McClellan by the
editor, who adopts the popular democratic view
of his qualities and abilities. The election of
Mr. Randall as Speaker of the House of Rep-
resentatives is hailed as the people's dawn of
hope. In another the editor bewails the fact
that most of the Reviews have a strong Repub-
lican bias, and summons the Democracy, rank
and file, to the rescue. The Review before us
is certainly orthodox, while a few sketches and
stories promise to enlist the sympathies of the
women of the same faith.

SOUTHERN HISTORICAL SOCIETY PA-
PERS. Vol. IV., No. 6. December, 1877. Pub-
lished by Rev. J. William Jones, D. D.
Richmond, Va.

The leader of this month is a review by Gen-
eral Early of the discussion concerning the causes
of Lee's Repulse at Gettysburg, which have ap-
peared in the pages of the Review. Early finds
these causes to have been " the most extraor-
dinary procrastination and delay in carrying out
the orders for the attacks on the second and
third days, upon which the whole battle hinged."
We are rather surprised to see Gettysburg styled
a "fortress," a term new to us in connec-
tion with that locality. A reply of Early to
General Longstreet treats of the same subject,
concerning which there seems to be much bad
blood among the ex-Confederates. Next fol-
lows a sharp article upon the Peace Commis-
sioners, in the form of a reply, by R. M. T.
Hunter to the letter of Jefferson Davis. We
agree with the editor that it is better that
these things should be ventilated by living ac-
tors than left to the uncertainties of future dis-
cussion, though we doubt whether the majority
of our Southern friends can be brought by any
process of reasoning to understand that the rea-
sons for the loss of the cause were inherent in
the cause itself, and that neither generalship, of
which it had abundance, and statesmanship, of
which it had little, could have saved it. In this
connection we note the frank admission of Mr.

Hunter that " none of us (the Confederate) lead-
ers understand the true nature of the Crisis."

THE MAINE GENEALOGIST AND BI-
ographer. A Quarterly Journal. Wm.
B. Lapham, Editor. December. Sprague,
Owen & Nash. Augusta, Maine, 1877.
In this number will be found eleven articles.
The general reader will take much interest in
the inscriptions copied from the old cemetery at
Hallowell, some of which, though of recent
date, have an old time quaintness, and in an-
cient "warning" notifying one James Gordon,
a silversmith, who had presumed to settle in
Hallowell without the town's consent, that he
leave the town ; and this, strange to say, in 1792.

THE NORTH AMERICAN REVIEW.

January-February, 1878. Edited by Allen

Thorndike Rice. D. Appleton & Co. New

York.

The most exacting lover of variety could not
complain of the contents of this number of our
standard Review, which includes articles by such
names as Senator Hoar, Dion Boucicault, the
Confederate General Richard Taylor, W. W.
Story, Bayard Taylor and General McClellan.
Those bearing upon American topics are a eu-
logy upon Senator Hoar and the Remin-
iscences of the Civil War by General Tay-
lor. The former paints Mr. Sumner at his best.
The latter will attract interest from the writer's
immediate connection with many of the scenes
and persons he describes. Indeed, the article is
chiefly made up of a recital in the first person
of the author's participation in the various ac-
tions which preceded the campaign of 1862, and
sundry desultory criticisms of the command-
ers of the United States and Southern armies }
upon the merits of which military men must de-
cide. From the closing sentence of these Rem-
iniscences, we see that they are to be continued,
when we shall probably find that the General
was more skillful with his sword than he here
shows himself to be with his pen. We notice
with some regret the tendency this periodical is
developing under its new direction towards the
magazine order of literature. Departing from
the English style of careful book review, em-
bracing an exhaustive treatment of a general
subject, and suggesting new views, as has
been the time-honored fashion of the Eng-
lish Quarterlies, Mr. Rice seems to have taken
as his model the Reveu des deux Mondes.
No doubt the latter form is more popular, and
may prove more profitable in a pecuniary sense,
but " noblesse oblige " and the North American
Review must yield the old field to another if it
abandon its traditions.

EXPLANATION OF THE MAP

The map prefixed is a reduced photographic copy of a part of
Father Bonnecamp's manuscript map of the route of de Celoron's Expe-
dition, now deposited in the Archives of the Departement de la Marine in
Paris.

*0* Indicates the places where leaden plates were buried.
% Points where latitudes and longitudes were observed.
M Sites of Indian villages.

The degrees of longitude are west of the meridian of Paris, and are
indicated by the figures in the outer division of the scales on the eastern
and western extremities of the map. Those on the inner divisions are
leagues, in the proportion of 20 to a degree.

MAGAZINE OF AMERICAN HISTORY

Vol. II MARCH 1878 No. 3

DE CELORON'S EXPEDITION TO THE OHIO IN 1749

THE extensive territory lying between the Ohio River and Lake
Erie has been the theatre of many remarkable historical changes.
Its earliest inhabitants left no record of their origin or history,
save in the numerous tumuli which are scattered over its surface, bear-
ing trees of the largest growth, not distinguishable from the adjacent
forest. Measured by the extent and character of those vast structures,
the race that built them must have been intelligent and populous.
When and how they disappeared, we know not. Whether they were
directly succeeded by the present race of Indians, or by an intermediate
people, are questions to which history gives no answer. When La Salle
discovered the Ohio he found it in the occupation of the red man, who
claimed possession and ownership over the territory comprised within
the limits of Western Pennsylvania, Ohio and Indiana, until the close
of the last century. His villages were on every stream, and his hunting
grounds embraced every hill and valley.

The attractions of the fur trade stimulated Eastern adventurers to
penetrate, from time to time, the forest recesses of the West, and glow-
ing descriptions were reported of the fertile soil, mineral wealth and
the abundance of the fur-bearing animals. It was not until England and
France, the two great rival Powers of Europe, became impressed with
the prospective growth and value of the territory, and each prepared to
grasp the coveted prize, that the native owners of the soil began to take
serious alarm. On the one side, England claimed to the northern lakes,
while France asserted ownership not only as far south as the Ohio, but
over all the lands drained by its extensive tributaries.

The treaty of Aix la Chapelle, to which both of those powers were
parties, while it terminated a long and sanguinary war in Europe, left
many subjects of controversy still unsettled. Among them were the
boundaries between the French and English in America. At the con-

130 DE CELORON'S EXPEDITION TO THE OHIO

elusion of that treaty England lost no time in initiating measures for
the occupation and colonization of the disputed territory, and encour-
aged the formation of the Ohio Company as one of the efficient means
for accomplishing that purpose. Half a million of acres were granted
by the Crown to that association, to be selected mainly on the south side
of the Ohio, between the Monongahela and Kanawha rivers. This was
coupled with the condition that settlements, protected by suitable forts,
should be established on the grant. The French were equally alive on
the subject, and the demonstrations of the English aroused the attention
of the Marquis de la Galissoniere, a man of eminent ability and fore-
thought, who was then Governor of Canada. In order to counteract
the designs of the English, he dispatched Captain Bienville de Celoron, 1
a chevalier of the order of St. Louis, in command of a detachment,
composed of eight subaltern officers, six cadets, an armorer, twenty sol-
diers, one hundred and eighty Canadians, thirty Iroquois and twenty-five
Abenakis, with orders to descend the Ohio, and take possession of the
country in the name of the King. The principal officers under him were
de Contrecoeur, who had been in command of Fort Niagara, and Cou-
lon de Villiers, one of seven brothers, six of whom lost their lives in the
Canadian wars. Contrecoeur was subsequently in command of Fort du
Quesne, at or immediately after the defeat of Braddock.

The present article is designed to give an account of that expedi-
tion, to trace its route and to identify as far as possible the geographical
points which it visited. Only brief notices of the undertaking have
heretofore been given to the public. The discovery of some of the
leaden plates, buried by its officers on the banks of the Ohio, have from
time to time awakened public interest and curiosity, which the meagre
accounts already published have failed to satisfy. While recently exam-
ining the archives of the Departement de la Marine in Paris the writer
met with the original manuscript journal kept by de Celoron during his
entire voyage. He also found in the Grandes Archives of the Depot de la
Marine, No. 17 rue de TUniversite, a manuscript diary of Father Bonne-
camps, who styles himself " Jesuitte Mathematicien," and who seems
to have been the chaplain, as well as a kind of sailing master of the
expedition, keeping a daily record of the courses and distances they
traveled, the latitudes and longitudes of the principal geographical
points, with occasional brief notes of the most important occurrences.
In another department, called the Bibliotheque du depot de la Marine, there
was found a large Ms. map, 31 J by 34J inches square, representing the
country through which the expedition passed, including- the St. Law

DE CELORON'S EXPEDITION TO THE OHIO 131

rence westward of Montreal, Lakes Erie and Ontario, the territory south
of those lakes as far as the Ohio, and the whole course of that river from
the source of the Alleghany to the mouth of the Great Miami. This
map forms an important illustration of the expedition. On it are delin-
eated by appropriate characters the points where leaden plates were
deposited, where the latitudes and longitudes were observed, and the
localities of the Indian villages visited on the route.

The journals of de Celoron and Father Bonnecamps, and the map of
the latter, have furnished the ground-work of the narrative. Explana-
tory and historical notes, drawn from other sources, have occasionally
been added.

The first of the leaden plates was brought to the attention of the public
in a letter addressed by Governor George Clinton to the Lords of Trade
in London, dated New York, December 19th, 1750, in which he states
that he " would send to their Lordships in two or three weeks a plate of
lead, full of writing, which some of the upper nations of Indians stole
from Jean Coeur, 2 the French interpreter at Niagara, on his way to the
river Ohio, which river, and all the lands thereabouts, the French claim,
as will appear by said writing." He further states " that the lead plate
gave the Indians so much uneasiness that they immediately dispatched
some of the Cayuga chiefs to him with it, saying that their only reliance
was on him, and earnestly begged he would communicate the contents
thereof to them, which he had done, much to their satisfaction and the
interests of the English." The Governor concludes by saying that " the
contents of the plate may be of great importance in clearing up the
encroachments which the French have made on the British Empire in
America." 3 The plate was delivered to Colonel, afterwards Sir William
Johnson, on the 4th of December, 1750, at his residence on the Mohawk,
by a Cayuga Sachem, who accompanied it by the following speech :

" Brother Corlear and War-ragh-i-ya-ghey : 4 I am sent here by the
Five Nations with a piece of writing, which the Senecas, our brethren,
got by some artifice from Jean Coeur, earnestly beseeching you will let
us know what it means, and as we put all our confidence in you, our
brother, we hope you will explain it ingeniously to us." Colonel Johnson
replied to the Sachem, and through him to the Five Nations, returning
a belt of wampum, and explaining the inscription on the plate. He told
them that " it was a matter of the greatest consequence, involving
the possession of their lands and hunting grounds, and that Jean Coeur
and the French ought immediately to be expelled from the Ohio and
Niagara." In reply, the Sachem said that " he had heard with great

132 DB CELORON S EXPEDITION TO THE OHIO

attention and surprise the substance of the ' Devilish writing' he had
brought," and that Colonel Johnson's remarks " were fully approved."
He promised that belts from each of the Five Nations should be sent from
the Senecas' Castle to the Indians at the Ohio, to warn and strengthen
them against the French encroachments in that direction.

The following is a literal copy of the inscription in question. It was
sent by Governor Clinton to the Lords of Trade on the 17th of Janu-
ary, 1 751:

" l'an 1749 dv regne de lovis xv roy de france, novs celoron, com-
mandant d'vn detatchiment envoie par monsievr le mls. de la galisson-
iere, Commandant General de la Nouvelle France povr retablir la tran-
quillite dans quelques villages sauvages de ces cantons, avons enterre
cette plaque AU CONFLUENT DE L'OHIO ET DE TCHADAKOIN CE 29

JVILLET, PRES DE LA RIVIERE OYO AUTREMENT BELLE RIVIERE, POUR MONUMENT
DU RENOUVELLEMENT DE POSSESSION QUE NOUS AVONS PRIS DE LA DITTE RIVIERE
OYO, ET DE TOUTES CELLES QUI Y TOMBENT, ET DE TOUTES LES TERRES DES DEUX
COTES JVSQVE AVX SOURCES DES DITTES RIVIERES AINSI QV'EN ONT JOVI OU DV JOVIR
LES PRECEDENTS ROIS DE FRANCE, ET QU'lLS S'Y SONT MAINTENVS PAR LES ARMES
ET PAR LES TRAITTES, SPECIALEMENT PAR CEVX DE RlSWICK, D'VTRECHT ET

d'Aix LA Chapelle."

The above is certified to be " a true copy " by " Peter De Joncourt,
interpreter."

TRANSLATION.

"In the year 1749, of the reign of Louis the 15th, King of France, we Celo-
ron, commander of a detachment sent by Monsieur the Marquis de la Galisson-
iere, Governor General of New France, to reestablish tranquility in some Indian
villages of these cantons, have buried this Plate of Lead at the confluence of the
Ohio and the Chatauqua, this 29th day of July, near the river Ohio, otherwise
Belle Riviere, as a monument of the renewal of the possession we have taken of
the said river Ohio, and of all those which empty into it, and of all the lands on
both sides as far as the sources of the said rivers, as enjoyed or ought to have
been enjoyed by the kings of France preceding, and as they have there main-
tained themselves by arms and by treaties, especially those of Ryswick, Utrecht
and Aix la Chapelle."

On the 29th of January, 1751, Governor Clinton sent a copy of the
above inscription to Governor Hamilton of Pennsylvania, informing
him that it was " taken from a plate stolen from Joncaire some months
since in the Seneca country as he was going to the river Ohio." 5

The expedition was provided with a number of leaden plates, about
eleven inches long, seven and a half inches wide and one-eighth of an

de c£loron's EXPEDITION TO THE OHIO 133

inch thick, on each of which an inscription in French, similar to the
one above given, was engraved or stamped in capital letters, with blanks
left for the insertion of the names of the rivers, at the confluence of
which with the Ohio they should be deposited, and the dates of their
deposit. The name of the artist, Paul de Brosse, was engraved on the
reverse of each. Thus provided, the expedition left La Chine on the
15th of June, 1749, and ascended the St. Lawrence to Fort Fontenac.
From thence, coasting along the eastern and southern shore of Lake
Ontario, they arrived at Fort Niagara on the 6th of July. They reached
the portage at Lewiston on the 7th, and ascended the Niagara into Lake
Erie. On the 14th, after advancing a few miles up the lake, they were
compelled by a strong wind to encamp on the south shore. They
embarked early on the morning of the 15th, hoping to reach the port-
age of " Chatakouin " the same day, but an adverse wind again forced
them to land.

The southern shore of the lake at this point is described as
" extremely shallow, with no shelter from the force of the winds, involv-
ing great risk of shipwreck in landing, which is increased by large
rocks, extending more than three-fourths of a mile from the shore."
Celoron's canoe struck on one, and he would inevitably have been
drowned, with all on board, had not prompt assistance been rendered.
On the 1 6th at noon they arrived at the Chatakouin portage. This was
an open roadstead, where the United States Government many years
ago attempted unsuccessfully to construct a safe harbor. It is now
known as Barcelona or Portland. As soon as all preparations were
made for the overland passage, and the canoes all loaded, Mm. de
Villiers and le Borgue were dispatched with fifty men to clear the way,
while Celoron examined the situation of the place, in order to ascertain
its fitness for the establishment of a Post. He says : " I found it ill-
adapted for such a purpose, as well from its position as from its relation
to the navigation of the lake. The water is so shallow that barks stand-
ing in cannot approach within a league of the portage. There being
no island or harbor to which they could resort for shelter, they would
be under the necessity of riding at anchor and discharging their load-
ing by batteaux. The frequency of squalls would render it a place of
danger. Besides, there are no Indian villages in the vicinity. In fact,
they are quite distant, none being nearer than Ganaougon and Paiile
Coupee. In the evening Mm. de Villiers and le Borgue returned to
lodge at the camp, having' cleared the way for about three-quarters of
a league." Up to this time, the usual route of the French to the Missis-

134 e>e celoron's expedition TO THE OHIO

sippi had been by the way of Detroit, Green Bay, the Wisconsin, Lake
Michigan and the Illinois river. They had five villages on the Missis-
sippi, near the mouth of the Illinois, as early as 1749.

"On the 17th," continues the Journal, "at break of day, we began
/the portage, the prosecution of which was vigorously maintained. All
/"the canoes, provisions, munitions of war, and merchandise intended as
presents to the Indians bordering on the Ohio, were carried over the
three-quarters of a league which had been rendered passable the day
previous. The route was exceedingly difficult, owing to the numerous
hills and mountains which we encountered. All my men were very
much fatigued. We established a strong guard, which was continued
during the entire campaign, not only for the purpose of security, but
for teaching the Canadians a discipline which they greatly needed. We
continued our advance on the 14th, but bad weather prevented our
making as much progress as on the preceding day. I consoled myself
for the delay, as it was caused by a rain which I greatly desired, as it
would raise the water in the river sufficient to float our loaded canoes.
On the 19th, the rain having ceased, we accomplished half a league.
On the 20th and 21st we continued our route with great diligence, and
arrived at the end of the portage on the banks of Lake Chatacoin on
the 22d. The whole distance may be estimated at four leagues. Here
I repaired my canoes and recruited my men."

It is a little over eight miles in a direct line from the mouth of Chau-
tauqua Creek on Lake Erie to the head of Chautauqua Lake. The route
taken by the expedition would of course be more, and probably equal
to the four leagues, or ten miles, stated by Celoron. The difficulties
they encountered must have been exceedingly formidable. Chautauqua
Lake is 726 feet above Lake Erie, and in order to reach the water-shed
between the two lakes, an ascent of at least one thousand feet had to be
overcome. Although at that early day, when the forests were yet
undisturbed, the Chautauqua Creek flowed with fuller banks than now,
yet even then but little use could be made of it by loaded canoes, except
near its mouth. The portage could only be accomplished for the greater
part of the way by carrying the canoes, baggage, provisions and sup-
plies on the shoulders of the men up the steep mountain sides to the
summit, from which the waters flowed southward into Chautauqua
Lake. Looking back from this elevation, a magnificent panorama must
have presented itself to Celoron and his companions. Lake Erie lay at
their feet, with the Canada shore, forty miles distant, in plain sight,
while the extremities of that great inland sea, extending east and west,
were lost below the horizon.

DE CELORON'S EXPEDITION TO THE OHIO 1 35

The expedition did not loiter long- on the banks of Chautauqua
Lake. On the 23d they launched their bark flotilla on its clear, cool
waters, and paddling south-eastward through the lake, passed the nar-
rows at what are now known as Long and Bemus Points. The shape
of the lake is quite peculiar. Its northwestern and southeastern extrem-
ities, which are nearly equal, and comprise the greater part of the lake,
are connected by two short irregular straits, between which nestles a
small beautiful bay. The singular configuration of the whole gives
plausibility to the interpretation of the Indian name, Chautauqua, which
is said to signify " a sack tied in the middle."

On the evening of the 23d of July the expedition encamped on shore
within three miles of the outlet. The lake is stated by Celoron to be
11 nine leagues," or about twenty-two miles long. The actual length is
less than sixteen. Distances are almost always overstated by the early
French voyageurs in America. In the evening a party of Indians, who
had been engaged during the day in fishing in the lake, reported they
had seen the enemy watching them from the adjacent forest. They had
fled as soon as discovered. Early on the morning of the 24th the
expedition entered the outlet, a narrow stream, winding through a deep
morass, bordered by a tall forest, which, over-arching the way, almost
shut out the light of day. The water being found quite low, in
order to lighten the canoes, they sent the greater part of their loading
about three-quarters of a league by land, over a path pointed out by the
Sieur de Saussaye, who was acquainted with the country. 6 The dis-
tance they accomplished this day by water did not exceed half a league.
It probably carried them through the swamp as far as the high land in
the neighborhood of the present village of Jamestown. The next day,
before resuming their march, Celoron deemed it expedient to convene a
council to consider what should be done in view of the evident signs of
an enemy in the vicinity, who on being discovered had abandoned their
canoes and effects and fled, carrying the alarm to the adjacent village of
Paille Coupee. The council decided to dispatch Lieutenant Joncaire,
some Abenakis and three Iroquois, with three belts, to assure the fugi-
tives of the friendly object of the expedition. After the departure of
the embassy the march was resumed over the rapids, with which the
outlet abounded.

" We proceeded," says the Journal, " about a league with great diffi-
culty. In many places I was obliged to assign forty men to each canoe
to facilitate their passage. On the 26th and 27th we continued our voy-
age not without many obstacles ; notwithstanding all our precautions to

136 de c£loron's EXPEDITION TO THE OHIO

guard our canoes, they often sustained great injury by reason of the
shallow water. On the 29th at noon I entered the ' la Belle Riviere' I
buried a plate of lead at the foot of a red oak on the south bank of the
river Oyo (Ohio) and of the Chanougon, not far from the village of
Kanaouagon, in latitude 420 5 / 23 // ." 7 It is unnecessary to give a copy
of the inscription on the above plate, as it is similar to the one which
was sent to Governor Clinton, as before related, except slight variations
in the spelling, accents and arrangement of lines. The three plates
which thus far have been discovered present the same differences. The
places and dates of deposit are coarsely engraved, evidently with a knife.
In the one just described the blanks were filled with the words: " Au
confluent de l'Ohio et Kanaaiagon, le 29 Juillet."

" At the confluence of the Ohio and Kanaaiagon the 29th of July."

The river, spelled " Kanaaiagon " on the plate, " Chanougon " by
Celeron in his Journal, and " Kananouangon," on Bonnecamps' map, is a
considerable stream that rises in western New York, and after receiving
the Chautauqua outlet as a tributary, empties into the Alleghany just
above the village of Warren. It is now known as the Conewango. On
the site of Warren, at the northwesterly angle of the two rivers, there
was, at the time of Celeron's visit, an Indian village, composed principally
of Senecas, with a few Loups, bearing the name of Kanaouagon. It was
opposite the mouth of the Conewango, on the south bank of the Alle^
ghany, that the leaden plate was buried. The following is Father Bonne-
camps' entry in his diary :

" Lon a enter rd line lame de plomb, avec une inscription, sur la rive
me'ridionale de cette riviere, et vis-a-vis le confluent des deux rivieres."
" We buried a leaden plate bearing an inscription on the south bank of
this river, and opposite the confluence of the two rivers."

The place of deposit is a little differently described in the Proces
Verbal drawn up on the occasion. " Au pied d'un chene rouge, sur la
rive meridionale de la riviere Ohio, et vis-a-vis la point e d'une ilette. ok
se joignent les deux rivieres Ohio et Kanaougon." " At the foot of a red
oak on the south bank of the Ohio river, and opposite the point of a small
island, at the confluence of the two rivers Ohio and Kanaougon." It
will be noticed that the inscription on the plate recites that it was
buried on the south side of the Ohio, opposite the mouth of the " Chanou-
gon " (Conewango).

This presents a discrepancy between the inscriptions as given in the
Journals of Celoron and Bonnecamps, and the one on the plate forwarded
by Colonel Johnson to Governor Clinton in 1751 as above described.

DE CELORON'S EXPEDITION TO THE OHIO 1 37

The latter states it to have been buried " at the confluence of the Ohio
and Tchadakoin? The solution of the difficulty seems to be, that the latter
plate was never buried or used, but was abstracted by the Iroquois
friendly to the English, and another plate, having a correct inscription,
was substituted by the French. The inscription on the one sent to
Governor Clinton, was undoubtedly prepared on the supposition that the
Chautauqua outlet emptied into the Ohio. But when that outlet was
found to be a tributary of the Conewango, and that the latter emptied into
the Ohio, a corrected plate, containing the name of the Conewango
instead of the Chautauqua, was substituted and buried, as stated in
C61eron's journal. 8 The latter plate has never been found. This solu-
tion is strengthened by the fact that none of the accounts of the plate
sent to Governor Clinton state that it had been buried, or had been dug up.
The Cayuga Sachem, in his speech quoted in Colonel Johnson's letter of
December 4th, 1750, states that "the Senecas got it by some artifice from
Jean Coeur."

Governor Clinton, in his letter to the Lords of Trade, states that
some of the upper nations, which include the Senecas, " stole it from
Jean Coeur, the French interpreter at Niagara, on his way to the river
Ohio." The Governor states the same in substance in his letter to Gov-
ernor Hamilton, of Pennsylvania. The theft must therefore have
occurred while the expedition was on its way to the Ohio, and before any
of the plates were buried. The original plate was probably soon after
carried to England by Governor Clinton. The names " Chatacoin " and
" Chatakouin," as spelled by Celeron in his journal, and " Tchadakoin," as
inscribed on the plate, and " Tjadakoin," as spelled by Bonnecamps on his
map, are all variations of the modern name Chautauqua. It will be found
differently written by several early authors. Pouchot writes it " Shata-
coin;" Lewis Evans, 1758, " Jadachque ; Sir William Johnson,
" Jadaghque ; " Mitchell, 1755, " Chadocoin; " Alden, as pronounced by
Cornplanter, " Chaud-dauk-wa." It is a Seneca name, and in the ortho-
graphy of that nation, according to the system of the late Reverend
Asher Wright, long a missionary among them, and a fluent speaker of
their language, it would be written " Jah-dah-gwah," the first two vowels
being long and the last short. Different significations have been ascribed
to the word. It is said to mean " The place where a child was swept
away by the waves." The late Dr. Peter Wilson, an educated Seneca,
and a graduate of Geneva Medical College, told the writer that it signi-
fied literally, " where the fish was taken out."

He related an Indian tradition connected with its origin. A party of

138 DE CELORON'S EXPEDITION TO THE OHIO

Senecas were returning from the Ohio to Lake Erie. While paddling
through Chautauqua Lake, one of them caught a strange fish and
tossed it into his canoe. After passing the portage into Lake Erie, they
found the fish still alive, and threw it in the water. From that time the
new species became abundant in Lake Erie, where one was never known
before. Hence, they called the place where it was caught, Jah-dah-gwah,
the elements of which are Ga-joh, " fish," and Ga-dah-gwah, " taken out."
By dropping the prefixes, acording to Seneca custom, the compound
name " Jah-dah-gwah " was formed. Among other significations which
have been assigned to the word, but without any authority, may be
mentioned " The elevated place," and " The foggy place," in allusion,
probably, to the situation of the lake, and the mists which prevail on its
surface at certain seasons.

It will be noticed the Alleghany is called by Celeron the Ohio, or " La
Belle Riviere." This is in accordance with the usage of all early French
writers since the discovery of the river by LaSalle. The same custom
prevailed among the Senecas. They have always considered the Alle-
ghany as the Ohio proper. If you ask a Seneca his name for that river,
he will answer O-hee-yuh. If you ask him its meaning, he will give it
as " Beautiful river.

Mr. Heckewelder, the Moravian missionary, supposing the word to
be of Delaware origin, endeavors to trace its etymology from several
words, signifying in that language, " The white foaming river." The
late Judge Hall of Cincinnati adopted the same derivation. Neither of
them seem to have been aware that it is a genuine Seneca word, derived
from that nation by the French, and by the latter written " Ohio." Its
pronunciation by a Frenchman would exactly represent the word as
spoken by a Seneca, the letter "i" being sounded like e. The name
" Ohio " was, therefore, correctly inserted on the plates buried on the
banks of the Alleghany, above its junction with the Monongahela at
Pittsburgh.

At the time the plate was interred opposite the mouth of the Cone-
wango, as already narrated, all the officers and men of the expedition
being drawn up in battle array, the chief in command proclaimed in a
loud voice, " Vive le Roi," and that possession was now taken of the
country in the name of the King. The royal arms were affixed to a
neighboring tree, and a Proces Verbal was drawn up and signed as a memo-
rial of the ceremony. The same formality was adopted at the burial of
each succeeding plate. This proces verbal was in the following form,
and in each instance was signed and witnessed by the officers present :

DE CELORON'S EXPEDITION TO THE OHIO 1 39

" L'a?i, 1749, nous Celoron, Chevalier de Vordre Royal et militaire de St.
Louis, Capitaine Commandant un de'tacJiemcnt envoyd par les ordres de
M. le Marquis de Galissonniere, Commandant General en Canada, dans
la Belle Riviere accompagne' des principaux officers de notre detache-
ment, avons enterre' (Here was inserted the place of deposit.) une
plaque de plomb, et fait attacker dans le meme lieu, a un arbre, les
Armes du Roi. En foy de quoi, nous avons dresse et signe", avec M. M.
les officiers, le present Proces verbal a notre camp, le (day of the month)
1749." " In the year 1749 we, Celoron, Chevalier of the Royal and military
order of St. Louis, commander of a detachment sent by order of the
Marquis of Galissoniere, Governor General of Canada, to the Ohio, in
presence of the principal officers of our detachment, have buried (Here
was inserted the place of deposit) a leaden plate, and in the same place
have affixed to a tree the Arms of the King. In testimony whereof we
have drawn up and signed, with the officers, the present Proces verbal,
at our camp, the (day of the month) 1749." This method of asserting
sovereignty over new territory is peculiar to the French, and was often
adopted by them. La Salle, at the mouth of the Mississippi in 1682,
thus proclaimed the dominion of Louis le Grand, and more recently
the same formality was observed when a French squadron took posses-
sion of some islands in the Pacific Ocean.

A few miles from Kanaouagon, on the right bank ol the Alleghany,
just below its junction with the Brokenstraw Creek, was the Indian vil-
lage of " Paille Coupee," or Cut Straw, the name being given by Celo-
ron as Kachuiodagon, occupied principally by Senecas. The English
name, " Broken Straw," and the French name, Paille Coupee, were
both probably derived from the Seneca name, which is De-ga-syo-noh-
dyah-goh, which signifies literally, broken straw. Kachuiodagon, as
given by Celoron, and Koshenunteagunk, as given on the Historical
Map of Pennsylvania, and the Seneca name, are all three the same word
in differenc orthography, the variation in the first two being occasioned
by the difference between the French and English mode of spelling the
same Indian word. Father Bonnecamps states the village to be in latitude
410 54/ 3." and in longitude 790 13/ west of Paris.

While the expedition was resting in the vicinity of these two Indian
villages, a council was held with the inhabitants, conducted by Joncaire,
whom Celoron states had been adopted by the Senecas, and possessed
great influence and power over them. They addressed him in the coun-
cil as " our child Joncaire." He was probably the person of that name
met by Washington at Venango four years aftewards, 9 and a son of

I40 DE CELORON S EXPEDITION TO THE OHIO

the Joncaire mentioned by Charlevoix as living- at Lewiston on the
Niagara in 172 1, " who possessed the wit of a Frenchman and the sub-
lime eloquence of an Iroquois." The father, who was a captive, died in
1740, leaving two half-breed sons, who seem to have inherited his influ-
ence and distinction. Their names were Chabert Joncaire, Junior, and
Philip Clauzonne de Joncaire. Both were in the French service, and
brought reinforcements from the west to Fort Niagara at the time it
was besieged by Sir William Johnson in 1759. Their names are affixed
to the capitulation which took place a few days later. The former
was in command of Fort Schlosser, his brother, who was a captain in
the marine, being with him. They were both in the expedition of
Celoron.

The result of the council held by Joncaire was not satisfactory to
the French. It was very evident there was a strong feeling among the
Indians on the Alleghany in favor of the English. It did not, however,
prevent the French from descending the river. After pledging the Sen-
ecas in a cup of " Onontios milk " (brandy), the expedition left the vil-
lages of Kanaouagon and Paille Coupee on the first day of August, and
after proceeding about four leagues below the latter, reached a village of
Loups and Renards, composed of ten cabins. The Loups were a branch
of the Delawares, called by the English Munseys. Four or five leagues
farther down they passed another small village, consisting of six cabins,
and on the third of August another of ten cabins. The next was a vil-
lage on the " Riviere aux Boeufs." According to Father Bonnecamps,
they passed between Paille Coupe e and the Riviere aux Boeufs one vil-
lage on the left and four on the right, the latitude of the third on the
right being 410 30' 30", and the longitude 790 21 ' west of Paris. The
Riviere aux Boeufs is now known as French Creek, it having been
so called by Washington on his visit there in 1753. The English
named it Venango. A fort was built by the French in 1753-4 on its
western bank, sixty rods below its junction with the Alleghany, called
Fort Machault. In 1760, when the English took possession, they built
another, forty rods higher up, and nearer the mouth of French Creek,
which they called Fort Venango. In 1787 the United States Govern-
ment sent a force to protect the settlers, and built a fort on the south
bank of the creek, half a mile above its mouth, which was called Fort
Franklin. From all of which it appears that this was at an early day
an important point on the river. It is now the site of the flourishing
village of Franklin. At the time of Celoron's visit the Indian village
numbered about ten cabins.

DE CELORON'S EXPEDITION TO THE OHIO 141

After passing the Riviere aux Boeufs and another on the left, the
expedition reached on the same day a bend in the river about nine miles
below, on the left or eastern bank of which lay a large boulder, nearly
twenty-two feet in length by fourteen in breadth, on the inclined face of
which were rude inscriptions, evidently of Indian workmanship, repre-
senting by various symbols the triumphs of the race in war and in the
chase. It was regarded by the natives attached to the expedition as an
" Indian God," and held in superstitious reverence. It was a well-
known landmark, and did not fail to arrest the attention of the French.
Celoron deemed it a favorable point at which to bury his second leaden
plate. This was done with due form and ceremony, the plate bearing
an inscription similar to that on the first, differing only in the date and
designation of the place of deposit. Celoron's record is as follows :
" Aoiit yne, 1749. Ent err e' une plaque de plomb sur la rive me'ridionale
de la riviere Oyo, a 4 lieues, an dessous de la riviere aux boeufs, vis-a-vis
une montagne pelle', et aicpres d'une grosse pierre, sur laquelle on voit
plusieurs figures asses grossierement grave'es." " Buried a leaden plate on
the south bank of the Ohio river, four leagues below the river Aux
Boeufs, opposite a bald mountain, and near a large stone, on which are
many figures rudely engraved. "

Father Bonnecamps states the deposit to have been made mider a large
rock. An excellent view of the rock in question, with a fac-simile of
the hieroglyphics on its face, may be found in Schoolcraft's work on the
" Indian Tribes in the United States," Vol. vi, pp. 172. It was drawn by
Captain Eastman of the U. S. Army while standing waist deep in the
river, its banks being then nearly full. At the time of the spring and
fall freshets the rock is entirely submerged. The abrasion of its exposed
surface by ice and flood-wood in winter has almost obliterated the rude
carvings. At the time of Celoron's visit it was entirely uncovered. It
is called " Hart's rock" on Hutchings' Topographical Map of Virginia.
The distance of " four leagues " from the mouth of the river Aux Boeufs,
or French Creek, to the rock, as given by Celoron, is, as usual, a little
exaggerated. The actual distance by the windings of the river is about
nine miles. The league as used by Celoron may be estimated as contain-
ing about two miles and a half. The leaden plate deposited at this point
has never been found, and some zealous antiquarian living in the vicin-
ity might, from the record now given, be able to restore it to light, after
a repose of more than a century and a quarter.

From this station Celoron sent Joncaire forward to Attigue the next
day, to announce the approach of the expedition, it being an Indian set-

142 DE CELORON'S EXPEDITION TO THE OHIO

tlement of some importance on the left bank of the river, between eight
and nine leagues farther down, containing twenty-two cabins. Before
reaching Attigue they passed a river three or four leagues from the Aux
Boeufs, the confluence of which with the Alleghany is described as " very
beautiful," and a league farther down another, having on its upper
waters some villages of Loups and Iroquois.

Attigue was probably on or near the Kiskiminitas river, which falls
into the south side of the Alleghany about twenty-five miles above Pitts-
burgh. It is called the river d'Attigue by Montcalm, in a letter
dated in 1758. 10 There were several Indian villages on its banks at that
date. They reached Attigue on the sixth, where they found Joncaire
waiting. Embarking together they passed on the right an old
" Chaouanons " (Shawnees) village. It had not been occupied by the
Indians since the removal of Chartier and his band to the river Vermillion
in the Wabash country in 1745, by order of the Marquis de Beauharnois.
Leaving Attigu6 the next day, they passed a village of Loups, all the
inhabitants of which, except three Iroquois, and an old woman who was
regarded as a Queen, and devoted to the English, had fled in alarm to
Chiningue. This village of the Loups, Celoron declares to be the finest
he saw on the river. It must have been situated at or near the present
site of Pittsburgh. The description of the place, like many given by
Celoron, is so vague that it is impossible to identify it with any certainty.
The clear, bright current of the Alleghany, and the sluggish, turbid
stream of the Monongahela, flowing together to form the broad Ohio,
their banks clothed in luxuriant summer foliage, must have presented to
the voyagers a scene strikingly picturesque, one which would hardly
have escaped the notice of the chief of the expedition. If, therefore, the
allusion to "the finest place on the river" has no reference to the site of
Pittsburgh, then no mention is made of it whatever. On landing three
leagues farther down, they were told by some of their Indians that they
had passed a rock on which were some inscriptions. Father Bonnecamps
and Joncaire, who were sent to examine it, reported nothing but some
English names written in charcoal. This was near the second entrepot of
the English.

Their camp being only two leagues above Chiningue*, they were
enabled to reach the latter the next day. They found the village one of
the largest on the river, consisting of fifty cabins of Iroquois, Shawnees
and Loups ; also Iroquois from the Sault St. Louis and Lake of the Two
Mountains, with some Nippissingues, Abenakis and Ottawas. Bonne-
camps estimated the number of cabins at eighty, and says, " we called it

DE CELORON'S EXPEDITION TO THE OHIO 143

Chiningue, from its vicinity to a river of that name." He records its
latitude as 40 35 ' 10" which is nearly correct, and longitude as 8o° 19/.
The place was subsequently known as " Logstown," a large and flourishing
village which figures prominently in Indian history for many years after
this period. Colonel Croghan, who was sent to the Ohio Indians by Gov-
ernor Hamilton, of Pennsylvania, in August 1749, mentions in his journal
that " Monsieur Celaroon with two hundred French soldiers, had passed
through Logstown just before his arrival." 11 Crogan inquired of the
inhabitants the object of the expedition, and was told by them that " it
was to drive the English away, and by burying iron plates, with inscrip-
tions on them at the mouth of each remarkable creek, to steal away their
country."

On reaching Chiningue Celoron found several English traders estab-
lished there, whom he compelled to leave. He wrote by them to Gov-
ernor Hamilton, under date of August 6th, 1749, that he was surprised
to find English traders on French territory, it being in contravention of
solemn treaties, and hoped the Governor would forbid their trespassing
in future. De Celoron also made a speech, in which he informed the
Indians that " he was on his way down the Ohio to whip home the
Twightwees and Wyandots for trading with the English." They
treated his speech with contempt, insisting that " to separate them from
the English would be like cutting a man into halves, and expecting him
to live." 12 The Indians were found so unfriendly to the French, and
suspicious of the objects of the expedition, as to embarrass the movements
of de Celoron. His Iroquois and Abenaki allies refused to accompany
him farther than Chiningu6. They destroyed the plates which, bear-
ing the arms of the French King, had been affixed to trees as memo-
rials of his sovereignty.

After leaving Chiningue, they passed two rivers, one on either side,
and crossing the present boundary line between Pennsylvania and Ohio,
reached the river Kanououara early on the 13th. Here they interred
the third leaden plate, with the usual inscription and customary cere-
monies. The blank in the plate was filled as follows : " Enterrd a
r entree de la. riviere, et sur la rive Septentrionale de Kanououara, qui
se de'charge a Vest de la riviere Oyo." " Buried at the mouth and on
the north bank of the river Kanououara, which empties into the east-
erly side of the Ohio river." Neither Celoron nor Bonnecamps gives
such a description of the locality as to warrant a positive identification
of the site. The plate was probably buried on the northerly bank of
Wheeling Creek, at its junction with the Ohio, in the present State of

144 DE c£loron's expedition to the ohio

Virginia, and near where Fort Henry was subsequently built in 1774.
No vestige of the plate has been discovered so far as known.

The expedition resumed its voyage on the 14th, passing the mouths
of three streams, two on the left and one on the right. Deer abounded
along the banks. Two of the rivers are stated to be strikingly beauti-
ful at their junction with the Ohio. On the 15th they arrived at the
mouth of the Muskingum, called by Father Bonnecamps Yenangua-
konnan, and encamped on the shore. Here the fourth leaden plate was
buried on the right bank of that river, at its junction with the Ohio.
Celoron describes the place of deposit as follows: " Enter ■re' au pied
(Tun e'rable, qui forme tripled avec une chine rouge et un orme, a
V entree de la riviere Yenangudkonan, sur la rive occidentale de cette
riviere T " Buried at the foot of a maple, which forms a triangle with a
red oak and elm, at the mouth of the river Yenanguakonan, and on its
western bank."

In 1798, half a century later, some boys, who were bathing at the
mouth of the Muskingkum, discovered something projecting from the
perpendicular face of the river bank, three or four feet below the sur-
face. With the aid of a pole they loosened it from its bed, and found it
to be a leaden plate, stamped with letters in an unknown language.
Unaware of its historic value, and being in want of lead, then a scarce
article in the new country, they carried it home and cast a part of it
into bullets. News of the discovery of so curious a relic having
reached the ears of a resident of Marietta, he obtained possession of it,
and found the inscription to be in French. The boys had cut off quite
a large part of the inscription, but enough remained to indicate its
character. It subsequently passed into the hands of Caleb Atwater,
the historian, who sent it to Governor De Witt Clinton. The latter
presented it to the Antiquarian Society of Massachusetts, in the library
of which it is now deposited. A poor fac-simile of the fragment is given
in Hildreth's Pioneer History of the Ohio Valley, at page 20. It appears
to have been substantially the same as the other plates which have been
discovered, with the exception of a different arrangement of the lines.
The place of deposit is given as " riviere Yenangue" on the part of the
plate which was rescued from the boys. Mr. Atwater, Gov. Clinton
and several historians, misled by the similarity between the names
" Yenangue " and " Venango," supposed that it had originally been
deposited at Venango, an old Indian town at the mouth of French
Creek in Pennsylvania, one hundred and thirty miles above the mouth
of the Muskingum, and had been carried down by a freshet, or removed

DE CELORON'S EXPEDITION TO THE OHIO I45

by some party to the place where it was discovered. The Journal of
de Celoron removes all doubt on the subject, and conclusively estab-
lishes the fact that the plate was originally deposited where it was
found, on the site where old Fort Harmer was subsequently built, and
opposite the point where the village of Marietta is now situated.

After the deposit of the fourth plate was completed, the expedition
broke up their forest camp, embarked in their canoes, and resumed the
descent of the river. About three-fourths of a mile below the Muskin-
gum, Father Bonnecamps took some observations, and found the lati-
tude to be 39 Q 36', and the longitude 8i° 20' west of Paris. They
accomplished twelve leagues on the 16th, and on the 17th, embarking
early, they passed two fine rivers, one on each side, the names of which
are not given. On the 18th, after an early start, they were arrested by
the rain at the mouth of the Great Kanawha, which is called by Father
Bonnecamps " Chinodaichta." The bank of this large stream, flowing
from the southeast, and draining an extensive territory, was chosen for
the deposit of the fifth plate. Only a brief record of the ceremony is
given. A copy of the inscription is omitted by Celoron, but his record
of the interment of the plate is as follows : " Enterre'e au pied d'un
or me, sur la rive meridionale de VOyo, et la rive orientate de Chinon-
daista, le 18 Aodt, 1749." " Buried at the foot of an elm on the south
bank of the Ohio, and on the east bank of the Chinondaista, the 18th
day of August, 1749."

Fortunately the discovery of the plate in March, 1846, leaves no
doubt of the inscription. It was found by a boy while playing on the
margin of the Kenawha river. Like that at the mouth of the Muskin-
gum, it was projecting from the river bank, a few feet below the sur-
face. Since the time it was buried, an accumulation of soil had been
deposited above it by the annual river freshets for nearly one hundred
years. The day of the deposit, as recorded on the plate, corresponds
precisely with the one stated by de C61oron. The spelling of the
Indian name of the river differs slightly from the Journal, that on the
plate being " Chinodahichetha." Kenawha, the Indian name of the river
in another dialect, is said to signify " The river of the woods." The
place selected by Celoron for the interment of the plate must have been
one of surpassing beauty. The native forest, untouched by the pioneer,
and crowned with the luxuriant foliage of Northern Kentucky, covered
the banks of both rivers, and the picturesque scenery justified the name
of " Point Pleasant," which was afterwards bestowed by the early set-
tlers. On the 1 6th day of October, 1774, it became the scene of a bloody

146 de c£loron's EXPEDITION TO THE OHIO

battle between an army of Virginians, commanded by Colonel Lewis,
and a large force of western Indians, under the leadership of the cele-
brated Cornstalk, Logan and others, in which the latter were defeated. 13

The expedition was detained at this point by the rain. It re-embarked
on the 20th, and when they had proceeded about three leagues, Father
Bonnecamps took the latitude and longitude, which he records at 38°
39/ 57 7/ for the former, and 82 01 ' for the latter. Joncaire was sent for-
ward the next day with two chiefs from the Sault St. Louis and two
Abenakis, to propitiate the inhabitants of " St. Yotoc," a village they
were now approaching. They embarked early on the morning of the 22d,
and reached St. Yotoc the same day. This village was composed of
Shawnees, Iroquois, Loups, and Miamis, and Indians from the Sault St.
Louis, Lake of the Two Mountains, as well as representatives from
nearly all the nations of the " upper country." The name " St. Yotoc "
seems to be neither French nor Indian. It is probably a corruption of
Scioto. Father Bonnecamps calls it " Sinhioto " on his map. He records
the latitude of the south bank of the Ohio, opposite its mouth, at 38
50 7 24 7/ , and the longitude 82 22 7 . Pouchot, in his " Memoires sur la
derniere guerre" French edition, vol. III. page 182, calls the river
" Sonhioto." This village of St. Yotoc, or Scioto, was probably on the
north bank of the Ohio, a little below the mouth of the Scioto, now the
site of Alexandria. Its principal inhabitants were Shawnees.

The expedition remained here until the 26th of August. On the 27th
they proceeded as far as the riviere La Blanche, or White river, which
they reached at ten at night. On the bank of the Ohio, opposite the mouth
of this river, Bonnecamps found the latitude to be 39° i2 / oi // , and
the longitude 83 3i 7 . Embarking on the 30th, they passed the great
north bend of the Ohio, and reached the riviere a la Roche, now known
as the Great Miami. Here their voyage on the Ohio ended, and they
turned their little fleet of bark gondolas northward into the channel of
its great tributary.

The sixth and last of the leaden plates was buried at this place. The
text of Celoron's Journal reads as follows : — " Enterre'e sur la pointe
forme'e par la rive droite de V Ohio, et la rive gauche de la riviere a la
Roche, AoAt 31, 1749." " Buried on the point formed by the intersection
of the right bank of the Ohio, with the left bank of the Rock river
August 31, 1749." So far as known, this plate has never been discovered-
Celoron calls the Great Miami the Riviere a la Roche, and Pouchot ;
quoted above, and other French writers give it the same name.

The expedition left its encampment at the mouth of this river on the

DE CELORON S EXPEDITION TO THE OHIO 147

first day of September, and began the toilsome ascent of the stream, now
greatly diminished by the summer drought. On the 13th they arrived at
" Demoiselles," which Father Bonnecamps, with his constant companion
the Astrolabe, found to be in latitude 40 23' i2 7/ , and longitude 83 29/.
This was the residence of La Demoiselle, a chief of a portion of the Miamis
who were allies of the English. 14 The fort and village of La Demoiselle
were mentioned by M. de Longueil in 1752. It was probably situated on
what was afterwards known as Loramies Creek, the earliest point of
English settlement in Ohio. It became quite noted in the subsequent
history of the Indian wars, and was destroyed by General Clark in his
expedition of 1782. A fort was built on the site several years afterwards
by General Wayne, which he named Fort Loramie. Here the French
remained a week to recruit, and prepare for the portage to the Mauraee.
Having burned their canoes, and obtained some ponies, they set out on
their overland journey. In arranging for the march, M. de Celoron took
command of the right, and M. de Contrecoeur of the left. The distance
was estimated by C61oron as fifty leagues, and five and a half days were
allotted for its accomplishment."

They completed the portage on the 25th, and arrived at Kiskakon.
This appears to be the Indian name for the site of Fort Wayne, which
was built there in 1794. Celoron found it a French post, under the
command of M. de Raymond. It undoubtedly took the name of Kiska-
kon, from a branch of Ottawas that removed to this place from Missilli-
mackinac, where they had resided as late as 1682. It was here that de
Celoron provided pirogues and provisions for the descent of the Maumee
to Lake Erie. The Miami Chief " Pied Froid," or Coldfoot resided in
the village. He appears not to have been very constant in his allegiance
either to the French or the English.

Leaving Kiskakon on the 27th of September, a part of the expedition
went overland to Detroit, and the remainder descended the river by
canoe. The latter landed near Detroit on the 6th ol October. Having
renewed his supplies and canoes for the transportation of his detachment,
C61oron prepared for the return to Montreal by way of Lake Erie. His
Indian allies, as usual, occasioned some delay. They had stopped at the
mouth of the Maumee, and were overcome by a drunken debauch on the
white man's fire water. It was not until the 8th of October that the
party finally launched their canoes, and descended the river into Lake
Erie. Their first night was spent on its northern shore at Point Pellee.
Nothing worthy of note occurred during their traverse of the lake.
They reached Fort Niagara on the 19th, where they remained three

148 de c£loron's EXPEDITION TO THE OHIO

days. Leaving- there on the 22d, they coasted the south shore of Lake
Ontario, and arrived at Fort Frontenac on the 6th of November, their
canoes badly shattered by the autumnal gales, and their men greatly
fatigued with the hardships of the voyage. They pushed on, however,
with as little delay as possible to Montreal, which they reached on the
10th of October, having, according to the estimate of both de Celoron
and Father Bonnecamps, traveled at least twelve hundred leagues.

Allusion has been made to the changes which took place in the Ohio
Valley prior to the expedition of de Celoron. Those which have since
occurred are no less remarkable. Both the French and the English
continued equally determined to possess the country north of the Ohio.
The former stretched a chain of posts from Niagara to the Mississippi,
as a barrier against English encroachments, and to exclude the Indians
from their influence and control. To counteract these demonstrations,
Gist was sent by the Ohio Company in 1750 to survey its lands prelim-
inary to their occupation and settlement. In 1753 Washington was dis-
patched by Governor Dinwiddie to Venango and Le Boeuf on what
proved to be a fruitless mission. A post was established the same year
by the English at Pittsburgh, which was captured the next by the
French, and called after the Marquis du Quesne. It was occupied by
the latter until retaken by General Forbes in 1756.

This was followed the next year by an expedition under Washington,
who at the age of twenty-two drew his maiden sword at the Great
Meadows in an encounter with a detachment of French under Jumon-
ville, which resulted in the death of the latter. Washington pushed on
farther west, but the advance of the enemy with strong reinforcements
compelled him to fall back to the Great Meadows, which he strengthened
and fortified, under the significant name of Fort Necessity. Here he
was attacked by the French under Coulon de Villiers, a brother of
Jumonville, with a vigor inspired by the desire of avenging his brother's
death. Washington was compelled to capitulate. The French were
thus enabled to acquire complete control for the time being over the dis-
puted territory. Thus was the opening scene in the great drama of the
" Old French War " enacted. The disastrous defeat of Braddock fol-
lowed the next year, and exposed the whole frontier to the hostile incur-
sions of the French and Indians.

In 1759 the grand scheme for the conquest of Canada, conceived by
the illustrious Pitt, was carried into execution. The expeditions of
Amherst against Ticonderoga, Wolfe against Quebec, and Prideaux
against Niagara, resulted in the fall of those important fortresses.

DE CELORON'S EXPEDITION TO THE OHIO I49

Major Rogers was sent to the Northwest in 1760 to receive possession
of the French posts, which had been surrendered to the English by the
capitulation of Quebec. He was met at Cuyahoga by Pontiac, the
Ottowa, who forbade his farther progress. " I stand," says he, " in your
path ; you can march no farther without my permission." A friend to
the French, a leader in the attack on Braddock, ambitious and vindic-
tive, Pontiac was a chief of commanding intellect and well qualified for
bold enterprises and strategic combinations. These qualities were indi-
cated in his great conspiracy for the simultaneous capture of the ten
principal posts in the Northwest, and the massacre of the English trad-
ing in their vicinity. Eight of those posts, embracing Sandusky, St.
Joseph, Miami, Ouatanon, Mackinaw, Presque Isle, Le Boeuf and
Venango successively fell before the deep laid plans of the wily chief-
tain. Forts Pitt and Detroit successfully withstood the most vigorous
assaults, and the latter a protracted siege conducted by Pontiac himself.

Now war in all its horrors raged with savage intensity along the
entire frontier. The unprotected settlers, men, women and children,
were massacred and scalped, or if spared, borne away into a hopeless
captivity. The English colonists were aroused to meet the emergency,
and Colonel Bouquet was sent in 1763 with a large force into the Indian
territory to relieve the western posts, but was compelled to halt at
Pittsburgh.

The succeeding spring found the Indians again on the war-path, and
Detroit was invested for the second time by Pontiac. An expedition
was sent to the Northwestern posts under Bradstreet, and another
under Bouquet penetrated the interior of Ohio. Bradstreet was duped
by his crafty adversaries into a peace not intended to be kept, but
Bouquet, undeceived by similar artifices, pushed on to the heart of
the Indian country. At the junction of the White Woman and Tusca-
rawas rivers he dictated a peace by his bold and energetic movements,
which, with the exception of occasional outbreaks, was destined to last
until the commencement of the great contest between the colonists and
the mother country.

The treaty of 1783 left the western tribes without an ally, and the
United States became free to extend the arts of peace over their new
territory. The pioneers shouldered the axe and the rifle, and marching
westward in solid column, invaded the land. The frail canoe and slug-
gish batteau, which had so long and wearily contended with the adverse
currents of the Ohio, were soon replaced by the power of steam. The
dense forests that for a thousand miles had fringed both borders of the

150 de c£loron's expedition TO THE OHIO

river were opened to the sunlight, and thriving cities and smiling vil-
lages arose on the ruins of the mound builders. The narrow trails of
the Indian, deep worn for centuries by the tread of hunter and warrior,
were now superseded by the iron rail and broad highway. The hardy
emigrants and their descendants subdued the wilderness, and with
the church, the school-house, the factory and the plough planted a civ-
ilization on the ruins of a fallen barbarism.

The dominion and power of France have disappeared, and no traces
of her lost sovereignty exist, save in the few names she has left on the
prominent streams and landmarks of the country, and in the leaden
plates which, incribed in her language and asserting her claims, still lie
buried on the banks of the "Beautiful River."

O. H. MARSHALL

1 This name is usually spelled Celeron, but incorrectly. M. Ferland, in his Cours d'Histoire
du Canada, vol. ii, p. 493, calls him Celoron de Blainville.

2 Joncaire. 3 N. Y. Col. Doc M vi, p. 604.

4 The Indian name of Sir William Johnson. It signifies " Superintendent of Affairs."

5 V Penn. Col. Records, p. 508.

6 N. Y. Col. Doc, ix, p. 1097.

7 This observation, like most of those taken by Father Bonnecamps, is incorrect. Either his
instruments were imperfect or his methods of computation erroneous. The true latitude of the
mouth of the Conewango is less than 41 50/, as it about twelve miles south of the boundary line
between New York and Pennsylvania.

8 On Crevecoeur's Map of 1758, in Depots des Cartes, Ministere de la Guerre, Paris, the Cone-
wango is called the " Chatacouin " as far down as its junction with the Allegany.

9 Governor Clinton, in his address before the New York Historical Society in 1811, inquires if
the Joncaire met by Charlevoix and Washington were the same. They could not have been,
for the one mentioned by Charlevoix died in 1740.

10 N. Y. Col. Doc, IX, 1025 ; X, ib., 901.

11 N. Y. Col. Doc, VII, p. 267.

12 N. Y. Col. Doc, VI, pp. 532-3.

13 See Vol. I. pp. 747, Magazine of American History.

14 N. Y. Col. Doc, X, pp. 139, 142, 245 and 247.

15 Major Long of the U. S. Army, in his second expedition to the St. Peter's River in 1823,
traveled over the same route.

THE FOUR KINGS OF CANADA

In the year 1710, during the reign of Queen Anne, four Indian chiefs 1
belonging to the Six Nations visited London, where they caused a great
sensation. An account of these chiefs, who were styled kings, is given
in a tract, the title of which is given below. We quote from the book :

" These four Princes, who are Kings of the Maquas, Gavajohhove and the
River Sachem, are call'd, the first, Te Yee Ho Ga Prow ; the second, Saga Yean
Qua Prah Ton j the third, Blow Oh Kao?n ; the fourth, Oh Nee Yeath Ton No
Prow, with the other two they mention in their Speech to her Majesty, are the six
who possess all the nations on the North-West side of the Iroquois, up to the Lake
Erie, and that great one of the Hurons ; and as we have heard it from their own
mouths, these six are in a strict alliance against the French, and at the same time
are all unanimous to request the assistance of the Queen of Great Britain to
drive the French out from among them. This is the great motive of their coming
here, where they arrived the beginning of April last, being conducted over sea by
Col. Nicholson, late Governor of Maryland ; and on Wednesday, the 19th of
April they had an audience of her Sacred Majesty, being introduc'd with the
usual ceremonies due to sovereign heads, and their Embassadors, to whom they
represented their condition, and the errand of their long and hazardous journey,
by a speech, that even in the translation carries along with it something of natural
eloquence and simplicity peculiar to that sort of people, who, tho' unpolish'd by art
and letters, have a large share of good sense and natural reason."

Here follows the speech of one of the " Kings " to her Majesty, as
delivered through an interpreter, who has so completely Anglicized it
that it bears no resemblance to the usual Indian speeches. A small por-
tion, therefore, is only given here :
u Great Queen.

" We have undertaken a long and tedious voyage, which none of our prede-
cessors could ever be prevail'd upon to undertake. The motive that induc'd us
was, that we might see our Great Queen, and relate to her those things we thought
necessary for the good of her, and us her Allies on the other side of the great water.

"We doubt not but our Great Queen has been acquainted with our long and
tedious War, in conjunction with her children, against her enemies the French ;
and that we have been a strong wall for their security, even to the loss of our best
Men. The truth of which our Brother Queder, Colonel Schuyler, and Anada-
garjaux, Col. Nicholson can testify, they having all our Proposals in Writing.

"We were mightily rejoiced when we heard that our Great Queen had resolv'd
to send an Army to reduce Canada, and we readily embrac'd our Great Queen's

152 THE FOUR KINGS OF CANADA

Instructions : And in token of our Friendship, we hung up the Kettle, and took up
the Hatchet, and with one consent join'd our Brother Queder, Col. Schuyler, and
Anadagarjaux, Col. Nicholson, in making Preparations on this side the Lake by
building Forts, Store-houses, Canows, and Battows ; whilst Col. Vetch, at the same
time, raised an army at Boston, of which we were inform'd by our Embassadors,
whom we sent hither for that purpose," etc., etc.

"After the audience," continues the narrative, " they were conducted again to
their apartments in her Majesty's Coach, attended with Col. Nicholson and sev-
eral Merchants belonging to that part of America. As to the persons of these
Princes, they are well form'd, being of a stature neither too high nor too low, but
all within an inch or two of six foot. Their habits are robust, and their limbs mus-
cular and well shap'd ; they are of brown complexions, their hair black and long,
their visages are very awful and majestick, and their features regular enough,
though something of the austere and sullen ; and the marks with which they dis-
figure their faces do not seem to carry so much terror as regard with them ....
They are generally affable to all that come to see them, and will not refuse a glass
of brandy or strong liquors from any hands that offer it, ... . but they seem to
relish our fine pale ales before the best French wines from Burgundy or Cham-
paign. According to the custom of their country, these Princes do not know what
it is to cocker and make much of themselves ; nor are they subject to those indis-
positions our Luxuries bring upon us. They are not afflicted with gout, dropsy
or gravel ; and notwithstanding their intemperance here, they are not feverish
upon any occasion, or troubl'd with loss of appetite ; for in their own country
they are addicted to gormandizing, insomuch that they rise in the night to eat ;
if by good luck they have meat by them, they fall to it without getting up. It is
reported that these four Princes have been so inur'd to hunting and other sports,
that they run as swift as a deer, and hold it a long time ; so that they propose to
run down a buck or stag before the Queen, when she pleases to see them in any
of her parks or chaces. They are to tire down the deer, and catch him without
gun, spear, launce, or any other weapon."

We next have the following chapters: i. A Description of the
Country of Canada. 2. Of the Religion of the Indians of Canada, &c.
3. The Manner of Feasting among the Canadans. 4. Of their Mar-
riages. 5. Of their Manner of Interring their Dead. 6. Of the Reme-
dies they administer to the Sick. 7. Of their Constitution, Temper
and Manners. 8. Of their Habits and Cloathing. 9. Of their Games
and Sports. 10. Of their making War and Peace. 11. Of their Man-
ner of Hunting. 12. Of their Manner of Fishing. 13. Of the Uten-
sils of the Savages in their Wigwams, &c. 14. Of the Beauty and
Fertility of the Country, with other remarkable Things.

Beside the account of these " Four Indian Kings " and of their visit

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4^ ^ y<W ^..Sf/ ^fesS^C^^Sr^ Mg&yv**- &uv%%tocnv ^j£^™Z^^

THE FOUR KINGS OF CANADA

153

to London, a notice of the event will be found in The Tatler, No. 171 ;
and in The Spectator, No. 50, April 27, 171 1, with an extended note. For
several years after the visit of these Indians it was common at masque-
rades to assume their characters and dresses. Full-length portraits,
beautifully engraved in mezzotint, were published, of which we shall
speak at length ; and there was also issued a sheet ballad, an original
copy of which is before us, relating how a beautiful lady fell in love
with one these Indians. The following is a reprint of the ballad :

THE FOUR INDIAN KINGS

Parti

HOW A BEAUTIFUL LADY CONQUERED ONE OF THE INDIAN KINGS

Attend unto a true relation

Of four Indian Kings of late,
Who came to this Christian nation,

To report their sorrows great,
Which by France they had sustained

To the overthrow of trade ;
That the seas might be regained,

Who are coming to beg our aid.
Having told their sad condition,

To our good and gracious Queen.
With a humble low submission,

Mixt with a courteous mien,
Nobly they were all received

In bold Britain's royal court.
Many lords and ladies grieved,

At these Indian King's report.
Now their message being ended,

To the Queen's great majesty ;
They were further befriended

Of the noble standers by.
With a glance of Britain's glory,

Buildings, troops and many things ;
But now comes a pressing story,

Love seized one of these four Kings.
Thus, as it was then related,

Walking forth to take the air,
In St. James's park there waited

Troops of handsome ladies fair,
Rich and gaudily attir'd,

Rubies, jewels, diamond rings.
One fair lady was admir'd

By the youngest of those Kings.
While he did his pain discover,

Often sighing to the rest ;

Like a broken hearted lover

Oft he smote upon his breast.
Breaking forth in lamentation,

Oh ! the pains that I endure !
The young ladies of this nation,

They are more than mortals sure.
In his language he related,

How her angel beauty bright
His great heart had captivated,

Ever since she appear'd in sight.
Tho' there are some fair and pretty,

Youthful, proper, strait and tall,
In this Christian land and city,

Yet she far excells them all.
Were I worthy of her favor,

Which is better far than gold,
Then I might enjoy for ever

Charming blessings manifold.
But I fear she cannot love me,

I must hope for no such thing ;
That sweet saint is far above me,

Although I am an Indian King.
Let me sign but my petition

Unto that lady fair and clear :
Let her know my sad condition,

How I languish unto her.
If on me, after this trial,

She will no eye of pity cast,
But return a flat denial,

Friends I can but die at last.
If I fall by this distraction,

Thro' a lady's cruelty,
It is some satisfaction

That I do a martyr die.

154

THE FOUR KINGS OF CANADA

Unto the goddess of great beauty,

Brighter than the morning day :
Sure no greater piece of duty,

No poor captive love can pay.
O, this fatal burning fever,

Gives me little hopes of life,
If so that I cannot have her

For my love and lawful wife.
Bear to her this royal token,

Tell her 'tis my diamond ring ;
Pray her that it mayn't be spoken,

She'll destroy an Indian King,
Who is able to advance her

In our fine America ;

Let me soon receive an answer

From her hand without delay.
Every minute seems an hour,

Every hour six, I'm sure ;
Tell her it is in her power

At this time to kill or cure.
Tell her that you see me ready

To expire for her sake,
And as she's a Christian lady,

Sure she will some pity take.
I shall long for your returning

From that pure unspotted dove,
All the while I do lie burning,

Wrapt in scorching flames of love.

Part II

THE LADY S ANSWER TO THE INDIAN KING S REQUEST

I will fly with your petition

Unto that lady fair and clear,
For to tell your sad condition,

I will to her parents bear.
Show her how you do adore her,

And lie bleeding for her sake ;
Having laid the cause before her,

She perhaps may pity take.
Ladies that are apt to glory

In their youthful birth and state,
So hear I'll rehearse the story

Of their being truely great:
So farewell, Sir, for a season,

I'll will soon return again :
If she's but endow'd with reason,

Labour is not spent in vain.
Having found her habitation,

Which, with diligence he sought,
Tho' renown'd in her station.

She was to his presence brought
"Where he labour'd to discover

How his lord and master lay,
Like a pensive wounded lover

By her charms the other day.
As. a token of his honour,

He has sent this ring of gold,
Set with diamonds. Save the owner,

For his griefs are manifold.
Life and Death are both depending

On what answer you can give,
Here he lies your charms commending.

Grant him love that he may live.

You may tell your lord and master,

Said the charming lady fair,
Tho' I pity this disaster,

Being catch'd in Cupid's snare.
'Tis against all true discretion,

To comply with what I scorn :
He's a heathen by profession,

I a Christian bred and born.
Was he king of many nations,

Crowns and royal dignity,
And 1 born of mean relations,

You may tell him that for me,
As long as I have life and breathing

My true God I will adore,
Nor will ever wed a heathen,

For the richest Indian store.
I have had my education

From my infant blooming youth,
In this Christian land and nation,

Where the blessed word and truth
Is to be enjoyed with pleasure

Among Christians mild and kind,
Which is more than all the treasure

Can be had with Heathen wild.
Madam, let me be admitted

Once to speak in his defence ;
If he here then may be pity'd,

Breath not forth such violence,
He and all the rest were telling

How well they lik'd this place ;
And declared themselves right willing

To receive the light of grace.

THE FOUR KINGS OF CANADA 1 55

So then, lady, be not cruel, Then she spoke like one concerned,

His unhappy state condole ; Tell your master this from me.

Quench the flame, abate the fuel, Let him, let him thus be turned

Spare his life and save his soul. From his gross idolatry.

Since it lies within your power If he will become a Christian,

Either to destroy or save, Live up to the truth reveal'd,

Send him word this happy hour I will make him grant the question,

That you'll heal the wound you gave. Or before will never yield.

While the messenger he pleaded Altho' he was pleased to send me

With this noble virtuous maid, His fine ring and diamond stone,

All the words that she then minded With this answer pray commend me

Which his master he had said. To your master yet unknown.

The curious may see in the British Museum four beautiful pictures
of these Indian chiefs in their peculiar dresses, and probably the repre-
sentations they give are as faithful as they are elegant. There was an
opinion that they were the figures of four Chinese Emperors, and some
similarity in the names to those we meet with in the history of China
favored the supposition. Indeed, no one, from the manner in which these
names are written, would recognize them as appertaining to the North
American Indians. On removal of the frames and the plate-glass placed
before them, and which cover the inscriptions, they proved to be fine
miniatures on ivory. Each chief carries his wampum in his hand, a
pledge of the amity of the Six Nations, and their names correspond
with those in the volume relating to the Indian Kings, as well as to
those given in The Tatler, No. 171. Upon the back of these pictures is
the following endorsement: " Drawn by the life, May 2, 17 10, by Ber-
nard Lens, jun."

By an advertisement in the folio edition of The Tatler, it appears
that full-length portraits of the four Indian chiefs were painted by John
Verelst, a Dutch painter of celebrity, then residing in London. It also
appears that the paintings referred to were in the collection of Queen
Anne. In the folio edition of The Tatler, May 16, 17 10, Mr. Verelst
gives notice that no person will be permitted "to take any draught or
sketch " from his pictures ; and that " if he should, he will take care to
have it correctly done by a skilful hand, and to inform the public
thereof in The Tatler." A year later, in The Tatler, November 14, 17 10,
appeared the following : " This is to give notice that the mezzotinto
prints by John Simmonds, in whole lengths, of the four Indian Kings,
that are done from the original pictures drawn by John Verelst, which
her majesty has at her palace at Kensington, are now to be delivered to
subscribers, and sold at the Rainbow and Dove in the Strand."

Besides the prints of Simmonds, there were it seems other prints,

156 THE FOUR KINGS OF CANADA

said to have been taken from Verelst's original pictures, disowned by
the painter, and represented in his advertisement as incorrect. All this
goes to show the great sensation which the visit of the Indian chiefs
created in London. The prints of Simmonds are engraved in mezzo-
tint, large folio in size, and are now exceedingly rare. Two or three of
them, defaced by time, hang in frames upon the walls of the American
Antiquarian Society's Hall, in Worcester. There is also a set of proof
impressions of the four in the collection of the late John Carter Brown,
in Providence. 3

Walpole, in his " Anecdotes of Painting," gives some account of
John under the name of Simon Verelst, and says he lived to a great
age. " He was a Dutch flower-painter of capital excellence in that
branch of art of painting, and likewise attempted portraits, labouring
them exceedingly and finishing them with the same delicacy with his
flowers. He was a real ornament to the reign of Charles II., and greatly
lessened the employment of Sir Peter Lely, who retired to Kew, while
Verelst engrossed the fashion." Verelst is also noticed by Bryan in his
Dictionary of Painters. Simmonds, the engraver of the Indian Kings,
who is also mentioned by Walpole, was pronounced " the best mezzo-
tinto scraper of his time." He died in 1755.

J. R. BARTLETT

1 The Four Kings of Canada. Being a Succinct Account of the Four Indian Princes lately
arrived from North America. With a particular description of their Country, their strange and
remarkable Feasts, Marriages, Burials, Remedies for the Sick, Customs, Manners, Constitution,
Habits, Sports, Wars, Peace, Policy, Hunting, Fishing, Utensils belonging to the Savages, with
several other Extraordinary Things worthy Observation, as to the natural or curious Productions,
Beauty, or Fertility of that Part of the World. London. Printed and sold by John Baker, at the
Black Boy in Pater-Noster Row. 1 710.

5 The plate which prefaces this sketch is taken from the proof impressions mentioned.

WHERE ARE THE REMAINS OF COLUMBUS

Columbus, returning from his fourth voyage in a vessel which was,
like himself, much the worse for wear, arrived at Seville November 7th,
1504. Queen Isabella, his patroness, died at Medina del Campo on the
26th of the same month, and Ferdinand turned a deaf ear to the peti-
tions of the great discoverer. Columbus repaired to court, but, weak-
ened by toils and disease, died at Valladolid on Ascension Day, May
20th, 1506. His death was not even noticed in the Cronicon de Valladolid,
a manuscript diary which records the most trivial events from 1333 to
1539, nor did Pedro Martir de Angleria, his friend, who had chronicled
his discoveries minutely in his Decades de Orbe Novo, not then published,
make any allusion to the closing life of a man who had been praised in
his letters and narratives. 1

His remains, unaccompanied by any relative, unless, perhaps, by his
eldest and natural son Fernando, were placed in the vaults of the Con-
vent of St. Francisco ; and if his wishes were followed, the chains which
he had worn when sent home by Bovadilla in 1 503 were enclosed with
him in his burial case. In a small work by Antoine de Latour, entitled
"Valence et Valladolid" Paris, 1877, p. 144, it is said, on we know not
what authority, that his obsequies were celebrated in the small e'glise
roma?ie of the Comte Ansures, but that his life-long friends, the Francis-
cans, seized upon his body. In 15 13, probably by the directions of the
brothers and sons, the remains were removed to Seville. Here they
probably were encased in the leaden box which has recently been found
in the cathedral church of Santo Domingo, with the inscriptions placed
on the inside and outside which we give below.

Diego began, in 1506, a suit against the Crown, the details of which
have been published by Don Martin Fernandez de Navarrete in 1827, for
a confirmation of the dignities and revenues promised solemnly to his
father by several royal charters. In 1509 he succeeded in part, and
became Second Admiral of the Indies, with certain allowances to main-
tain his rank. Having married Donna Maria de Toledo, a niece of the
Duke of Alva, his suit was probably thereby favored, and he sailed for
San Domingo in 1509, in great style, together with his uncles, Don Bar-
tolom6 (the Adelantado) and Don Diego, and his brother Don Fer-
nando. Bartolom6 was in Spain again, and returned to San Domingo
in 1 5 12. In 15 15 Don Diego went to Spain to defend himself against

158 THE REMAINS OF COLUMBUS

certain charges, and shortly after his departure his uncle Don Bar-
tolome died, and was probably the first one of the family interred in
Santo Domingo.

Fernando returned to Spain in 15 13, and in the autumn of that year
superintended the removal of the Admiral's remains, as above men-
tioned. These were deposited in the Capilla de Santa Ana, known also
as del Santo Cristo, which was on the middle of the right side of the
entrance to the small church of the Cartuja de Santa Maria de las Cnevas.
This was near by his own property, and his windows looked on the
church, both being outside of the walls of the city and between the
Pnerta de Goles and del Ingenio. Fernando's grounds were planted with
rare exotic trees, and he wished this estate to continue in the family,
but it was sold about 1594, and no trace of his home remains. The
church is now a pottery.

Diego, the Second Admiral, died at Montalvan, near Toledo, Febru-
ary 23d, 1526, and his body was the next one of the Colon family to be
interred in the Capilla. Fernando died in Seville July 12th, 1539. He
was buried in the cathedral in front of the choir, and a slab, several
times renewed, covers his tomb, which apparently was not disturbed
when the remains of his father and uncle were transported to Santo
Domingo in 1536. Of Diego, brother of the discoverer, Ave have no
notice after his departure for the Indies with his nephew of the same
name. Thus, in 1536, but two bodies were removed from the chapel,
namely, those of Christoval and his son Diego.

The Third Admiral in the line of succession was Luis Colon, born
on the Island in 1520, a dissolute young man, who had married three
wives, all being living. As long as he stayed in Santo Domingo he was
safe, but having ventured to go to Spain on matters relating to the titles
he bore, he was arrested at Valladolid in 1558, and tried for his offence
against the marriage law. The facts concerning his arrest, his sentence,
and his death in Oran, Africa, though in print, were contained in a
memorial of a suit concerning the titles, &c, of the Colons, which began
upon the death of Don Luis, of which very few copies are known.
From this and other sources consulted in Seville, M. Henri Harrisse
has been enabled to bring forward in his work on Fernand Colomb, of 1872,
proofs that the so-called Vita de Colon of 1571, in Italian, is a fabrica-
tion and not truly written, as stated in its title, by Fernando. We thus
learn that Luis Colon died February 3, 1572; that he was at first
interred in the church of San Francisco in Oran, whence he was
removed to Las Cuevas in Seville, and again to Santo Domingo. 2

THE REMAINS OF COLUMBUS 1 59

Harrisse, in the above work, p. 149, quotes a manuscript note found
in the Colombina Library, and made by Juan de Loaisa, concerning a
visit to Las Cuevas in 1678, thus: " In the chapel of Sta. Ana, as one
enters the church on the right hand, at the middle of it, there is a spot
which bears signs of having been a tomb, said to have contained the
bodies of Xptoval Colon, first admiral of the Indies, and of Diego Colon,
his eldest son, and Bartolome Colon, brother of D. Xptoval. The bodies of
D. Xptoval and his son D. Diego were taken to the Island of Sto. Do-
mingo, and the monks say that there is no one of any note in that
chapel." Harrisse found the walls of the chapel, now part of a pottery*
without a trace of its ecclesiastical character left.

It appears, therefore, that the bodies of Christoval, Bartolome and
Diego, the three brothers, those of Diego the Second Admiral and of
Luis the third and last Admiral, were together in the cathedral church
in Santo Domingo about the year 1600. Probably the female members
of the family who died in the Indies were interred there also. Roselly
de Lorgues, in his "Vie de Colomb" 1856, p. 400, says that the body of
the great Admiral was deposited in a vault in the sanctuary of the
cathedral, to the right of the great altar. No inscription or monument
marked his place of interment, and in the course of time no one attached
to the cathedral seems to have preserved any tradition concerning its
precise location.

Sir Francis Drake, or rather Christopher Carlisle, his Lieutenant-
General, when he captured the city in 1585, allowed his men to pillage
the part he held for a month, but wishing to get away, treated with the
Governor, who ransomed it for 25,000 ducats. It has been stated that
the cathedral records were lost at that time, which would account for
the oblivion which prevails there concerning the remains of the Colons.
Hakluyt (ed. 1500, p. 540) describes this event, but no mention is made
of the cathedral.

By the Treaty of Basle, signed July 24th, 1795, Spain ceded the
Spanish part of the Island to France, reserving the right to remove all
property that might be desired, and it was determined, consequently, to
transfer the remains of Columbus to Havana. Details concerning this
removal are given by Irving and others, and in the papers recently
written on this subject, as well as in the pamphlet quoted below, all
which we ma) 7 pass over as not pertinent to the question now raised,
namely, " Were the remains taken away from Santo Domingo really those of
Christopher Columbus ? "

When the remains were sought for it seems that no one could point

160 THE REMAINS OF COLUMBUS

out their exact place of interment. Roselly de Lorgues, in his " Vie de
Colomb" first edition, 1856, Vol. II., p. 400, gives to Moreau de St. Mery
the credit of finding them. He quotes from the Annales Maritimes et
Coloniales, torn. IX., p. 342, Premiere Serie, as follows : "// retrowa dans
une eg/ise de Santo-Domingo le tombeau de Christophe Colomb dont les habitants
du pays ignoraient Vexistence." Moreau de St. Mery, who published a
description of the French portion of the Island in French, at Phila-
delphia, in two quarto volumes, 1797-8, and the Laws and Constitutions
of the Franco-American Colonies in Paris, in six quarto volumes, in
1784, was a native of Martinique, born in 1750. He was at one time
quite wealthy, and prepared the last-named work at the request of Louis
XVI. He was a deputy from Martinique in 1790, took refuge in the
United States in 1793, and while carrying on business as a bookseller
in Philadelphia, published the other named work. He filled various
offices under the Empire, and died in 18 19. It must have been during
one of his visits to the Islands that he pointed out the supposed remains
of Columbus ; but that he was deceived there can be no doubt. There
must have been some record of the disinterment in 1795, but it is again
said that the records had been destroyed, and we can find no printed
notice relating to it except as above, even in the work of De Saint-Mery.
Let us now see whether the true remains have been found.

The article in La Patria, reprinted in the Pamphlet, Colon en Quis-
queya? after describing the ceremonies and pomp attending the transfer
of the remains in 1795, says that a rumor was current among a few dis-
creet persons that the Spanish authorities had been deceived, and that
the remains of Don Diego, the son of the First Admiral, or of some
other member of the family, had been passed off as those of Christopher
Columbus. It then adds that the last one who held this precious tradi-
tion as a fact, was the distinguished and learned Dominican Don Tomas
Bobadilla, who transmitted it with profound conviction (sic) to Sr. Don
Carlos Nouel. We are assured (the author of the article continues) that
Sr. Don Juan N. Tejera also was certain of the fact.

Recently the works begun in the Cathedral, under the initiative of
the Sr. Presbitero Bellini, accidentally exposed the remains of Don Luis
Colon, as published in the papers in July, 1877. Further research at
another spot, on the right of the Presbiterio, under the place occupied
by the episcopal chair, a point designated by the tradition above men-
tioned, as the true location of the remains of Columbus, resulted in find-
in a vault. By the removal of a few stones a leaden box was discovered,
which bore an inscription confirming the tradition, which probably
was, as hinted before, a positive certainty.

THE REMAINS OF COLUMBUS l6l

The extraction of this leaden case, and its opening officially in the
presence of invited witnesses, is given in much detail in the publication
quoted. It is of lead, with a hinged cover, but the document does not
state how it was closed, and is forty-two centimetres (i6| inches) long,
twenty and a half (8| inches wide), and twenty-one (8J inches) deep, with
the following inscriptions. On the outside of the cover, D. de la A. Per.
Ate. On the left, front and right of the box respectively are the letters
C. C. and A. On the inside of the cover, in letras goticasalemanas, or Ger-
man black letter, gjttte y $£tla. Uawtt gtt (Jttotuval (Mm*. The case con-
tained twenty-eight large and thirteen small fragments of human bones,
some dust from bones, a leaden ball, weighing one ounce, and two small
screws of the case itself. The case, after being examined, was closed
and officially sealed, and deposited in the Santuario de Regina Ange-
lorum under the charge and responsibility of the Senor Canonigo Peni-
tenciario Dom Francesco Javier Bellini, until further orders. A solemn
procession accompanied the remains to the said church, and the official
report of the proceedings was signed by various officers of the church,
the city, of the foreign consulates and other witnesses. Mr. Paul Jones
signed them as United States Consul. This was done on the ioth of
September last, and an effort is about to be made to raise an amount suf-
ficient to erect a fitting monument over the remains.

It would appear, therefore, as far as we can judge from the testi-
mony recently published, that the remains of the great Columbus were
not removed in 1795 to Havana, and as there is no likelihood of their
being given up by the Republic of Santo Domingo, they will forever
remain on the island which, when living, he loved so much.

The " Diario de la Marina " suggests that the letters D de la A on the
leaden case may signify Descubridor de la America, although the name
America had not yet been given to this continent. It is more probable
that they signify Dignidad de la Almirantazgo, connected as they are with
the next words of Primer Almirante. This title was prized by Columbus
most highly, and the last words would at the time have been unmeaning
without the titular letters preceding it. Fernando, in his will of 1539,
speaks of his father twice as D. XPVAL. COLON PRIMERO ALMI-
RANTE, &c. It was supposed that a long line of Admirals would
succeed him in the Almirantazgo, which had been founded to honor
him, and which he especially mentions in his will. It might signify also
Dia de la Ascension, but then the year date would have been added.

The letters C. C. and A on the sides of the box probably signify
Cristoval Colon Almirante. The inside inscription may be read, Illnstre

l62 THE REMAINS OF COLUMBUS

y Escogido Varon Don Cristoval Colon. The London Athenceum, of Novem-
ber 24 thinks that the inscription being in Spanish indicates a modern
date for its fabrication, as Latin was used at the time of the transference
of the remains to America, then called the Indies. This removal was,
however, a family, and not an official proceeding, which might explain
this matter.

As for the chains which Columbus wore on his return from his third
voyage, and which he ordered to be buried with him, they are not else-
where mentioned than in his will. It is not probable that they were sent
to America with his dust, but we believe that these supposed chains are
exhibited in the church at Havana. No mention is made of them in
the articles describing the recent discovery.

The Havanese have supposed, since the year 1795, that the authentic
remains were " deposited in an urn, covered by an erect monumental
slab, on the left hand side of the entrance to the choir of the Cathedral."
These words are used by Mr. John Woodward in Notes and Queries,
5th Ser., Vol. II, p. 152. He gives also the unmeaning inscription
beneath the bust, which, however, is more correctly given by Harrisse
in his " Notes on Columbus." The longer inscription on the monument
has been often quoted, and we omit it also.

This doubt as to which city possesses the true ashes of the First

Admiral cannot be solved until further inquiry is carefully made. The

question excites much interest in Spain, and the Royal Academy of

History has appointed a committee to investigate and report on the

subject.

JAS. CARSON BREVOORT

1 See R. de Lorgues' Vie de Colomb., p. 396, note.

2 Harrisse, op. cit., p. 149, note, copied from the Archives of the Indies.

3 The recent exhumation is described in the following official pamphlet and newspaper articles:
Colon en Quisqueya. Coleccion de Documentos concernientes al Descubriniento de los restos de
•Cristoval Colon en la Catedral de Santo Domingo. Santo Domingo. Imprenta de Garcia Her-
manos. 1S77. i2mo., p. 98. Colon en Quisqueya, in " La Patria, .... Santo Domingo,
15 de Setiembre de 1877. Aho I, Num. 53." Colon en Quisqueya, in "El Diario de la Marina,
27 de Set., 1877." The Bones of Columbus, in " The World, New York, Oct. 5, 1877," and other
daily papers in New York subsequently.

COLONEL RUDOLPHUS RITZEMA

Concerning this Revolutionary officer, the son of the Rev. Johannes
Ritzema, a once eminent collegiate pastor of the Dutch Reformed
Church in this city, we have recently received some interesting particu-
lars, not heretofore printed, through a lady of antiquarian taste, a great-
grand-daughter of Alida, the Colonel's sister, of the ancient Bogert
family, who has rendered herself familiar with the record of her Neth-
erlandish ancestry. These facts, with others from the same source
relative to the Military Journal of Colonel Ritzema, now in the
archives of the New York Historical Society, and published in an
early number of this Magazine, are worthy of a place in its columns.

From this memoranda we learn that Rudolphus Ritzema was born
at Collum, East Friesland, Holland, some years before his father came
from that country in answer to the call of the New York Church to
assume its associate charge, which was in 1744. He is first mentioned
of the three children which this good " minister of the divine word,"
with his worthy spouse, Hillje Dykstra — born in the same place —
brought with them over the sea. Alida, the second of the number,
was born at Collum, February 19, 1742, and the third was Maria
Wilhelmina, who married first, Thomas Anderson Hoog, and secondly,
David Van Schaak. The dominie had but one son to bear his name
to manhood.

From the Ms. Memories of Horatio Bogert, Esq., of New Jersey,
his great-grandson, we quote as follows relative to Colonel Rudol-
phus, viz. : That " he was educated as a soldier in the Prussian army,
the best soldiers' school in the world, and had almost certainly been in
active service. As Steuben drilled our raw armies, and trained the sol-
diers who won our independence, it is not remarkable that a man who,
like Lee, was a European soldier, should at once take rank among those
who were unused to war, and only possessed muscle and courage. At
that period it was part of the soldier's creed that advancement in rank
must be by regular seniority of commission. Our family tradition is,
that such advancement was refused Ritzema, and he left the service in
disgust. We have no information of him subsequent to his ' Journal '
(with the N. Y. Historical Society, and presented by Horatio Bogert,
Esq.), except that he lived and died at York, England. My father had
an old friend and client, named Thomas F. Popham, an Englishman, I

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COLONEL RUDOLPHUS RITZEMA 165

struggle in service. This removed all my objections to the service."
In May of that year he was Lieutenant-Colonel in Colonel Alexander
McDougall's regiment. In May, 1775, his name is on the list of the
New York " Committee of One Hundred," and in the subsequent July
he " ordered the seizure of the King's stores " in this city. In the same
invaluable Revolutionary repertory we also find a letter of Colonel Rit-
zema to General Washington, tendering his resignation on account of
certain charges, from which he was soon thereafter acquitted by a Court
of Inquiry. One of them was of speaking disrespectfully of Lord Ster-
ling, which probably gave rise to inferences affecting his standing as a
patriot. From his letter to the Commander-in-Chief at this time, dated
July 14, 1776, it is but just to his memory to quote the following para-
graph : " The American cause — a cause which I have as much at heart
as any man in America, and in which I have frequently ventured my life
in the last campaign, and was the first man in the Province of New
York who ever took up arms in defense of it — a cause for which I am
still willing to lay down my life." In his answer, Washington, in kind,
but decided terms, declined to accept the Colonel's proffered retiracy.

The " Archives" also preserve several letters of his to the Provincial
Congress, and a record of his appearance before it upon military mat-
ters, of his presidency of a court-martial in 1776, and also of two letters
addressed, one to Lord Sterling and the other to Pierre Van Court-
landt, Esq., Chairman of Committee of Safety New York, brief extracts
from which two latter documents will conclude what we have now to
offer concerning Colonel Rudolphus Ritzema. He writes to Lord Stir-
ling on the importance of military discipline, a subject relative to which
he was probably well prepared to make useful suggestions. We quote
as follows: " I can expect little from undisciplinarians. Without disci-
pline, no obedience, and without obedience, no duty. In short, disci-
pline gives confidence, and confidence is the very soul of an army."

Ritzema's letter to Mr. Van Courtlandt, dated Montreal, January 3,
1776, and of considerable length, announces the death of General Mont-
gomery, of whom, with many interesting particulars of the action in
which he fell, he speaks in these pathetic and appreciative terms : " Thus
fell our worthy and brave General. Weep, America ! for thou hast lost
one of thy most virtuous and dearest sons."

With regard to the Rev. Johannes Ritzema, the " good old father "
of our Colonel, to whom he thus tenderly refers in his letter to General
Washington, we would here take occasion to say that his name has been
unjustly, because erroneously, numbered among those of the " Loyalists "

l66 COLONEL RUDOLPHUS RITZEMA

in " Sabine's History," with the mere general and unsatisfactory remark
appended, that " in the controversy which preceded the Revolution he
acted uniformly " with them. The only valid question with us in the
premises is, with whom he sided after the contest had gone to its last
appeal, et vi et armis ? That the venerable Dominie was decidedly patri-
otic in sentiment after the war had begun as well as before is, we think, put
beyond reasonable question by the fact that he was declared " Emeritus "
at the commencement of hostilities. And the same conclusion is no less
authorized by the following extract from an historical discourse by the
late Rev. Thomas De Witt, D.D., delivered in 1856, viz.: " Johannes
Ritzema and Lambertus De Roude, thoroughly educated in Holland,
etc., sustained a highly respectable character during their ministry
in New York, and after leaving the city during the Revolutionary
war, and remaining in their old age in the places of their exile, they
sustained the same character of high respect paid to them during their
whole lives."

Dominie Ritzema's ministry in this city covered a period of about
forty years, during which at one time he officiated collaterally in the
noted " Sleepy Hollow" Church at Tarrytown. As a preacher and a
divine " he was," says the Ms. before us, " learned and eloquent, and
also, judging from his portrait now in the church gallery of divines in
New York, 2 a man of fine presence." We find among the same memo-
randa a verse written in the Dutch language by Dominie Gulielmus
Dubois, his colleague, " on seeing the portrait of Rev. Johannes Rit-
zema, painted 1753, when he was 42 years old." This was the portrait
of him above mentioned, and the only one known. The writer of a
recent obituary notice of Mr. Edmund Quincy, in the New York Bio-
graphical and Genealogical Record, there states that David Ritzema
Bogert of " Beekmantown," the brother-in-law of President Quincy,
bequeathed a portrait of Dominie Ritzema, his grandfather, to the New
York Historical Society. This is doubtless a mistake, since no such pic-
ture or record of it is known to the present curators of that institution.
The poetical tribute of Pastor Dubois delivers a noble eulogium upon
his associate's ministerial and christian character, which was doubtless
as true to life as the picture. It may be found, with a faithful transla-
tion by its side, in the New York Christian Intelligencer of December
last. In the published Minutes of the Colonial Synods, Coetus, and
Conferential of the Reformed Church, the name of this ancient pastor
often appears, and as one of their most conspicuous members. He was
a writer too of much repute in his ecclesiastical sphere, and we learn

COLONEL RUDOLPHUS RITZEMA 167

from the Rev. Dr. Chambers of this city that one or more of the con-
troversial tracts of Dominie Ritzema is under advisement for reprint
by their Publication Board, with a view to preservation.

This good man closed his life at Kinderhook, N. Y., his place of
retreat during and after the war, an event piously recorded by one
of his grandsons, Mr. John R. Hoog, as follows : " On the 7th of
April, 1794, the Rev. Johannes Ritzema slept in the Lord after a short
sickness of three days, aged eighty-six years, seven months, thus termin-
ating a life which had been spent in the service of God, and in which he
proved industrious and faithful." This reverend, and in his day greatly
esteemed clergyman, the father of Colonel Rudolphus Ritzema, is very
respectably represented in detail by many families in this State and
elsewhere of the present generation, and of various names besides the
well-known one already given, such as Baskins, Russell, Ludlow, Starr,
Mills, etc. To these we add Booth and Brett, each of which has also
among us a worthy successor of their common ancestor in the sacred
office, viz. : the Rev. Cornelius Brett, of Bergen, N. J., and the Rev.
Robert Russell Booth, D.D., pastor of the University Place Presbyte-
rian Church.

WILLIAM HALL

1 These statements seem contradictory. — Editor.

2 This valuable collection of portraits, now kept in the basement of the church on the corner
of 29th street and 5th avenue, needs safer depository.

i68

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

NEWS FROM CAMP

LETTERS RECEIVED BY CORNELIUS TEN
BROECK OF ROCKY HILL, NEW JER-
SEY, FROM HIS SONS CORNELIUS
AND PETER SERVING IN THE
CONTINENTAL ARMY
1779— 1780
Communicated by George C. Beekman of Free-
hold, N. J.

Camp, White Plains, Sept. 2d, 1778.
Dear Parents,

Your kind favour dated July 31st was
about Ten days since handed me which
gave me much satisfaction, since which
I have recieved a letter from Mr. Jno.
De Lamater (Informing me of his being
with you a short time since) with a letter
from Brother John at Morris Town who
was well the 226. August. I have noth-
ing new to communicate to you at pres-
ent, except the following account from
Rhode Island. It seems the French
Fleet in the Late storm had recieved so
much damage that they determined to
proceed to Boston to Refit previous to
which Gen'l Sullivan prepared to leave
the Island and accordingly began his re-
treat, which the enemy recieving intelli-
gence of attacked his rear guard which
in a short time brought on a very Bloody
engagement, when the enemy gave way
and left our army entire masters of the
field ; the above Intelligence is just re-
ceived in Camp — the particulars are
momently expected. The main army
still remains on the Plains consisting of
about 24,000 Men which are plentifully
supplied with provisions &c. which is
chiefly Brought down the North River
landed at a place called Tarry Town
about Ten miles fromCamp. Not being
in a department that causes me to know

the current prices of produce it is not in
my power to inform you at present, but
may expect it in my next.

Shall be glad to have a line from
home whenever convenient, and shall
allways think it an esensial part of my
duty to write you by every convenient
opportunity. I shall add no more but
must beg you will excuse the incorrect-
ness of this letter as the person who
carrys it is waiting.

In haste I remain

Your affectionate Son
Cornl. Ten Broeck.

N. B. When you write please direct
me at Gen'l Greene's office.

Camp, Smiths Clove July 8th, 1779.

This will inform you I arived safe at
Camp (in five days after I left home)
and found Brother Peter well as we both
through divine blessing are at Present.
Our Army still continues here and I
have not heard of any move being in
adgitation. It has been for several days
Currently reported that the Enemy are
gone down the River again all except
about two Regiments which are left to
Garrison there Forts at Kings Ferry.
Our Camp is about 12 miles from New
Winsdor and the same distance from
West Point Fort. The Army lay en-
camped about five miles along the Clove
the Roughness of the Ground not ad-
mitting of there incamping Closer. I
quarter about Six Miles North from
Camp at a place called Bloomingrove
where I am Posting Books. Peter is in
Camp with Mr. Meng.

The crops of Grain are promising in
this part of the Country which the In-
habitants are Just begining to Reap

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

169

though some of the wheat is a little
Blasted, owing to the frequent Rains we
had sometime ago. Wheat sells here
from 25 to 30 Dollars p Bushell and
other grain in proportion.

I am somewhere between 20 and 30
Miles from Aunt Hausbrooks where I
expect to go if we remain here much
longer, and perhaps to Eusopus. Shall
write you again by next convenient opur-
tunity in the Interum Remain,

Your dutifull and obedient Son

Corns. Ten Broeck.

P. S. You may perhaps wonder how
so many horses as we have with the
Army are provided for in this Rough
Country. They are Chiefly all Quartered
in the Township of Bloomingrove, where
they have been since the army arived
here and I think I never saw better
meadows and pasture that they have in
this unlevel Country though it is greatly
hurt by a pretty severe Drouth we have
here at present.

Smiths Clove, July 9th, 1779.
Dear Parents.

I embrace the opportunity of writing
you a few lines acquainting you that I
am well, and in a good state of health ;
Hoping these few lines may find you in
the same. I have been verry well since
I left home, except a day or Two on the
way from Middle Brook to this place, I
had a midlen bad flux but it left me be-
fore I come here. I was inform'd on
the way that it was a verry bad road to
Smiths Clove and excessive hilly but
would not perfectly beleive it was as bad
as they told me until I found it to be so.

Mr. Weiss, Brother Cornelius and Mr.
Burchan are about six miles from us

into the country, at a farmers house a
posting Books in a place called Bloom-
ing grove. Mr. Meng, Mr. Wright and
myself, are with the stores and have
not quite as much busines as we had
when we first come. I hear of Cornelius
almost every day by Carters who have
there horses at pasture where he lives
and Received a letter of him this morn-
ing for Dadde with a few lines that he
was well and desired we would forward
it by the first opportunity which I hope
you will receive with mine. We hear
there is a great Number of Men Deserts
Dayly both to and from the enemy ;
yesterday three men belonging to the
Maryland line were found going in to
the enemy, they were brought to their
camp. The one was shot and his head cut
off and this morning was brought to the
Virginia Camp and was put on the top
of the gallows of a man who was exe-
cuted and hung ; the man who was hung
is said to have been executed and re-
preaved twice before and expected to be
repreaved the third time. There is no
prospect of our moving soon. I would
glad if convenient to Receive a letter
from home. I am,

Your ErTectionate Son,

Peter Ten Broeck.

Camp New Windsor, July 24th, '79
Hon'd Parents.

I wrote you from Smiths Clove about
two weeks ago, where the Army con-
tinued untill the 16th inst. At one
o'clock in the morning of which day
Brigadier Genl Wayne, with the Light
Troops under his command, made an
attack on the Enemy's Fort they had
erected at Stoney Point near Kings

170

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

Ferry. Rushing on them with fixt Bay-
onets, the Enemy were alarm'd by there
Picquets, & gave our Troops two or
three heavy Fires as they approach'd,
which wounded several Valuable Offi-
cers. Our Troops nevertheless enter'd
the Fort, and after Baynoting one hun-
dred and upwards, the remainder sub-
mitted at discretion. It was a very bold
and daring attempt, though it succeeded
beyond expectation, as our loss, kill'd
and wounded, is not near as much as
the kill'd and wounded of the Enemy.
Our Army kep possession of the Fort
till a few days ago, when the Enemy
caone up the River again in force,
there Troops marching up rapidly on
the East Side of the River to relieve the
Garison they had left on that side op-
posite the Fort our Troops took, which
was at this time besieged by our army
which lay on that side the River, but
where obliged to Raise the Siege when
the British Army arived near them, be-
ing inferior in number to them. His
Excellency at the same time ordered the
Fort at Kings Ferry to be demolished,
which was done, and all the stores safely
brought up to West Point Fort, where
Head Quarters is kep at present. The
Enemy's main body are at Peeks Kill,
and the conjectures what movements
they will make next are very various.

West Point Fort is about Nine Miles
from this, and may be seen from New
Burg with a spy glass. I expect to go
and see it to-morrow or next day, when
I will endeavour to give you a particu-
lar description of it.

If we continue here any time, will
make a short trip to Eusopus.

I enclose you a Copy of the Return of

the Enemy's Loss and ours on the morn-
ing of the 1 6th instant, which I believe
is nearly a just account. I find it im-
possible to send letters to be left nearer
you than Princetown, where I shall in
future direct all my letters to the care
of Colo. Hyre.

Brother Peter and myself are through
divine blessing in perfect health, as we
hope this may find you and all the Fam-
ily. I remain unfeignedly
Your dutifull Son,

Corns. Ten Broeck

Camp New Windsor, Augt. nth, 1779.
Dear Father.

In my last I informed you I expected
to go to the Fort where I have since
been, and as I make no doubt you would
be glad to know how it is Situated have
enclosed a small sketch thereof, which I
have made only with my pen and from
the Idea I retain in my memory of the
Place — you can therefore not expect it
acurate, and must pay no regard to dis-
tances, &c, as I have put it down.

I have marked down the principal
Forts and mentioned in the Reference
their Chief use, except Fort Putnam,
which is undescribedly Strong ; its built
on a high nole or rock; the walls are
Sixteen feet high and as strong as stone
and lime will make them ; there are in
it two very Strong Bum proofs besides
every other necessary — it can play on
the Shipping before any other of the
Forts, and commands all the Ground
about Fort Arnold. So that if the En-
emy should attempt to storm it they
would be exposed to the Fire of Both
Forts. But it is generally believed they
will not attack it this Campaign, as there

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

171

Army is gone down to New York again.

Nevertheless General Washington con-
tinues at the Forts, and has near a Thous-
and Men at work daily in order to make
them yet more stronger, so as a less
number of men may Garrison them and
be secure in case of an attack. If the
Enemy continues in there present posi-
tion, its said Gen'l Washington will re-
main at the Fort untill it is finished,
when we shall no doubt be oblidge to
move, as the pasture will begin to fail
here.

We have no news particular here ex-
cept a report that the French Fleet in
the West Indies have gain'd a Victory
over the English Fleet, and also taken
the Island of St. Vincents, but it yet
wants confirmation.

I must also inform you I went to Aunt
Hausbrooks on Sunday last, where I
was received and treated with the Great-
est marks of Frenship. I stayd there
two days and left her and family very
well; they had lately heard from Euso-
pus, when our relations there were all
well. I had not time to go as far Eu-
sopus, but hope I shall before we are
ordered away from here.

The Wheat betwen this and the wall
Kills, and I am told from there to Eu-
sopus, all that was sowed on the low
lands, is blasted and was scarcely worth
gathering — but the up lands has pro-
duced tolerable good Crops. With my
love to Mama,

I remain with ye Greatest respect
Your Obdt Son,

Cornl Ten Broeck.
Brother Peter is well, and desires his love.

the main Fort which commands the
River and protects the Chain. B — Fort
Putnam near half a mile from Fort Ar-
nold wh it Commands and overlooks.
C — Fort Constitution, Stands on an Isl-
and opposite Fort Arnold and in con-

junction with it protects the chain — its
made very strong on the East side to
defend it in case the Enemy should find
means to cross the Marsh, which is very
dificult. D D D — Little Batteries built
on the River Side.

STATION OF THE AMERICAN ARMY

f Between the Clove and
J Ramapau to be handy to go

into Jersey in case of an En-

vasion there.

Virginians

Marylanders
Pennsylvanians
2 New England
Brigades

References. A — Fort Arnold, being

At West Point where his
Excellency General Wash-
ington is.

North Caroli- j On the Island opposite the

nans ) Point.

4 New England ] On the East Side the Riv-
Brigades l er a little below the Island.

Gen'l Poor's Brigade from

New Hampshire Goneonyewest-

Gen'l Clinton's Brigade! em expedition
from New York ' under General

Gen'l Maxwell's Brigade Sullivan.
from New Jersey
Exclusive of the above there are some Troops
on the East side Hudson River but am not cer-
tain where they are.

The Heavy Baggage and Stores of the Main
Army are at New Windsor and the Horses are
distributed in the Pastures between that and the
Pals.

172

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

New Windsor, August, 24th, '79.
Dear Parents.

This will Inform you that I am very
hearty and I hope these few lines may
find you in the same good state.

I have been almost ready to Despair
to hear from you untill last Sunday I
recieved a Letter from Bro. Jno., Dated
the 17th of August, Informed me that
Daddy was at Town and was well and
Informed him that they was all well at
home which I received with gladness, as
I had not heard from vou since (Corne-
lius) Left home.

I have the pleasure to inform you that
Brother Corn'ls and I have been to see
aunt Hausbrook at the Wallkill and had
the pleasure also to see my Couzens. I
was there on Sunday the 15th inst.
August — they was verry kind and the
Dutch Language was of infinite service
to me as they altogether talk Dutch in
the Family.

I returned to windsor again on Mon-
day and Left them all well. Couzen
Thomas prepar'd to go to Philadelphia,
on Tuesday, and telled me that he would
go and see dady and mamma which I
hope he has,

I have nothing new to communicate
to you, But that the enemy have all
gone down the river to york Island,
except Two Regiments who are forti-
fying on Stoney Point. We hear that
Major Lee has surprised and taken a
Considerable number of the enemy at
Pawlis Hook, with the loss of some men
the particulars are not yet come to hand.
Cornelius is About five miles from this
into the Country and wrote me a Line
this morning acquainting me that he is

well, and I am with the Stores — no more
at present,

But remain with Respect
your Affectionate son

Peter Ten Broeck.

John also Inform'd That Daddy wrote
a letter to Corn'ls and me, which we
have not yet Recieved.

Camp, New Windsor, Sept. 21st, 1779.
Received the 28.
Honoured Sir.

Your kind favour by Gen'l Morris I
Received and have since been to Euso-
pus, which is the reason I have not an-
swered it till now. I left Cats Kill Eight
and Eusopus four days ago, where all
friends are well, except Uncle Ten
Broeck's youngest daughter and son and
Cousin Conrad Alvendorph who have
the Fever Augue which rages more than
was almost ever known there.

Aunt Turk has been in a very poor
state of health but is got much better and
is still mending. Uncle Turk expects to
move from his farm into the Town
again this Fall.

Uncle Wynkoop has received two let-
ters from you this Summer, Uncle Van
Vechten one and I think Uncle Ten
Broeck one also.

I spent about two weeks with my re-
lations very agreable, they received and
treated me in a very friendly manner
which will ever make me respect them.
Relations and acquance were very par-
ticular in enquireing after you and de-
sired to be remembered.

As the Army is a place where people
generally expect news from I wish I had
it in my power to write you some favour-

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

173

able but at present we have not a sylable
of any kind worth mentioning. Our Army
still keeps in and about the fort and the
Enemy in and about New York and its
very probable there will not much more
be done this Campaign, Unless a French
Fleet should arive which is Currently
talk'd of, but from where it originated I
know not.

By accounts from the Western Army
it appears they have Destroy 'd a Consid-
erable number of Indian Towns and
large Quantity of Corn &c. and are very
little opposed by the Enemy. Numbers
of People flatter themselves this will be
our last Campaign, but according to my
notion of Politicks I am fearfull it will
not, as I am apt to think in case the En-
emy find themselves unable to carry on
an offensive war next summer in Amer-
ica, they will still keep an Army to act
on the Defensive which will oblidge us to
keep up our Army. This is only my
opinion of the matter and wish may
not turn out so.

With respect to our money there are
various opinions about it every body
has their fears concerning it as there are
no effectual measures taken to stop the
Depreciation thereof ; our expenditures
Daly vastly exceed what is paid into the
Treasury on Loan and by Taxation so
that the sum in circulation still increases
and so long as that is the case it must
unavoidably decrease in value.

Peter and myself through the blessing
of devine providence are in perfect
health as I pray this may find you and
all the family.

I remain with much respect
Your dutifull and Obt Son
Corns Ten Broeck.

Camp, New Windsor, Octr 13th, '79.
Dear Parents.

Its near three weeks since I wrote you
last, when I informed you of my receiv-
ing your letter by Gen'l Morris, and also
of my having been to Eusopus, which let-
ter I make no doubt you have received ere
the date of this. I have nothing particu-
lar to write you this time having wrote
you so lately but as I think it my duty, so
its a pleasure to me to write you by every
opportunity, and wish I could hear of ten-
er from you which has been very seldom
this summer, I think only once which was
the letter above mentioned ; however I
make no doubt you would write when-
ever you have an opportunity which I
know must be very seldom as you live
much out of the way.

I make no doubt but you will soon
expect Peter or me home or both of us
but how soon that will be is imposibleto
inform you at present, as we are under
great apprehensions of going to New
York shortly. The French Fleet we
hear are expected at the hook every
hour, and the Pilots from this part of
the Country who are acquainted with
the Harbour of New York are gone
down to Monmouth by order of the
Commander in Chief ; all the Troops
from Albany and places Adjacent there-
to are yesterday arrived here and all
the Boats and Crafts that are in the
River between this and Albany are col-
lecting here ; the same I am told is done
at the sound and in short every prepara-
tion is making to attack New York as
soon as the French Fleet arrives. The
Enemy by Accounts are aware of our
design and are fortifying Long Island,
impressing the inhabitants to assist them,

*74

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

a number of whom are fled over to the
main in consequence thereof ; but I sup-
pose before you receive this you will
have more particular accounts of this
moneuvre ; shall therefore add no more
but conclude with the greatest respect,
your dutifull and obedient Son

Cornl. Ten Broeck.
Mr. C. Ten Broeck, sen'r.

New Windsor, Novem'r ioth 1779.
Dear Parents.

I have wrote you very frequently this
Campaign, but cannot now recollect
the Date of my last Letter. I however
therein informed you of the great expec-
tations we had of going to New York,
which I am sorry to say we begin to
doubt happening this fall, as the Count
De Estang with the French Squadron
under his Command by the accounts was
in Georgia, had landed his men and
formed a junction with General Lincoln,
who were devising a plan to reduce the
British Army in that Quarter, which is
not doubted they have compleated ere
this ; but as the season is far advanced
its judged if the Fleet does arrive it
will be too late to carry on the intended
opperations against New York ; but
it seems the matter is not wholely
despaired of yet, as the preparations
are Still continuing and its said the
Army will not go into Quarters untill
the General hears particularly from the
Count.

The Enemy since I wrote you last
have evacuated their two posts on the
North River near Kings Ferry and also
Rhode Island and all Randavousd at
New York which they are Fortifying
very Strong.

I was in great hopes this Campaign
would have brought the War to an Issue,
but I fear we shall have another, which
if we may have occasion for, I could
wish to think that we shall be in a situa-
tion to carry on with ease, but I fear it
will be attended with the greatest difi-
culty principally owing to the depre-
ciated State of our Currency, which I
am sorry to tell you is got to a very
low ebb in this part of the Continent
and I am informed it is not any better
with you.

I have not heard a syllable from you
since your letter by General Morris
which is some considerable time ago,
which makes me not so happy as if I
could hear from you oftener, but sup-
pose you have no oppurtunity to write
me, or at least I am constrained to think
you would not willingly omit once in a
while to let me know how you do.

You will not expect Peter nor me
home till the Army goes into Winter
Quarters, and must not be concerned
about us respecting Clothes as we have
Each a warm Suit and two pair wollen
Stockings which will be sufficient till we
get into Quarters which cant be long
and undoubtedly will be not a very great
distance from you.

I have nothing further to add save
that Peter and myself through the bless-
ing of devine providence are in perfect
health and hope with his permission to
Eat our Christmas dinner with
I remain Dr Parents

with great respect

your Dutifull Son

Cornls. Ten Broeck.
Mr. Corns. Ten Broeck, Sen'r.

REPRINTS

175

Camp, Quaker Hill, 25 miles East
from Fish Kill, Novem'r 2, 1780.
Dear Father.

I wrote you some time since per one
Mr. Armstrong wherein I requested
you would please to send my winter
clothes to Colonel James Abeel D Q M
Gl at Morris Town who has frequent
opportunity to send them to me, and
have wrote to him to forward them, in
case they are sent to him.

I dont think I shall come home this
fall unless something should happen
that would call me that way, as is some
considerable distance and Traveling ex-
pences very high.

The Army are still in their Tents, The
New England Troops are all in Con-
necticut being ordered there, when the
fleet sailed from New York, in order to
be handy to go farther to the Eastward
in case the Enemy made any attempt
that way.

The Pensylvanians and Carolinasans
lay here, the Marylanders at Fish Kill,
and the Virginnians between Kings Ferry
and Fish-Kill. The New Yorkers are
ordered to the Forts in the Mohawk
Country in order to keep the Indians in
awe who are grown very troublesome of
late. The weather is getting pretty cold
in this country which will oblige us to
go into Winter Quarters very soon which
is said will be between Fish Kill and
Poughkeepse. A great quantity of
Boards have been contracted for and are
now transporting down the North River
to Build Barracks. After the Army gets
into Winter Quarters I expect to take
a jaunt home but dont think I shall be-
fore. I have not heard a word from
you or any of the family since Mr. John

De Lamater came to camp, which
causes me to have a great ancsiety to re-
ceive a line from you ; should therefore
be glad if no other g[ood] opportunity
offers, you would write me a line by the
Post and direct it to me at Gen'l Green's
as I am always near his Quarters and
with that part of the Army were the
mail comes, so that I cant possibly miss
receiving it. Every thin[g] is very dear
in this part of the country. Wheat sells
among the inhabitants from 4 to 5 Dolls
p Bushel and other Grain in proportion.
The Arm[y] receives Chiefly all their
flour from the North River which is col-
lected at Fish Kill from different places,
what wheat they raise here is scarcely
any more than for their own consump-
sion. With my love to all friends, I am
Your Obdt Son,

Corns. Ten Broeck.

NARRATIVE OF
LIEUT. LUKE MATTHEWMAN

OF THE REVOLUTIONARY NAVY
From the New York Packet, 1787

At the particular request of an Ameri-
can Navy Officer in the late war, the fol-
lowing narrative is published, the con-
clusion of which will show the intention
of its publication.

Early in March, 1776, I entered into
the service of my country as Lieutenant
of the Brig Lexington, Captain Barry,
the services on board which vessel met
the approbation both of the command-
ing officer and the public, particularly
in saving 270 barrels of powder from a
vessel run on shore near Cape-May, un-
der the fire of two frigates ; afterwards

176

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blowing her up with about 30 of the
British, who had boarded her; I had the
misfortune of being made a prisoner by
the Pearl Frigate, on board which ship
was most cruelly treated, being thrown
in the cable tier, in wet clothes, without
any shift in the month of February ; on
board this ship I continued about one
month under the most disagreable cir-
cumstances, until I made my escape at
Cape Henlopen. On my arrival at Phil-
adelphia, was ordered to Baltimore, as
the Lexington had been retaken by the
crew; on board of which was fortunate
in regaining my clothes. As Congress
then sat at Baltimore, was desired to
follow thejn to Philadelphia (with a num-
ber of prisoners under my charge) in
expectation to serve on board the Cham-
pion Xebeck ; but on my arrival took
charge of the impress service under very
disagreeable circumstances, being liable
to all prosecutions ; however, was for-
tunate in manning the Delaware frigate,
the two Xebecks, and other vessels. I
took the command of a field-piece at
Swedesford, and when the British took
Philadelphia went on board the Dela-
ware frigate at Mud Island, the first
Lieutenant being unwell; on board of this
frigate was taken, and confined in the
goal of Philadelphia, twenty-one in dun-
geon (without respect to persons), for
eight days; during which time we re-
ceived no more from the British than one
pound of raw beef and two mouldy bis-
cuits; the water they gave us to drink
was in a necessary tub, and that very
dirty; the means of procuring the same
was through the gate of the door, by
filling a quart bottle from the tub; on
which drink many of us became very

sick, and had it not been for the great
humanity of some citizens, who, at great
risk, in some measure supplied us, we
must undoubtedly have perished, as
many then under conflnemei t abso-
lutely did through hunger. After which
period of time, through private solicita-
tions to Gen. Howe, we were trans-
fered to the State House; here we fared
much better, being allowed two thirds
allowance, of which we received about
one half, and our friends were permit-
ted to visit us, until some officers expect-
ing their parole, and to ingratiate them-
selves, informed the officers of the guard
that some letters were privately deliv-
ered to the prisoners; on this informa-
tion the ladies were turned down stairs
by the Sergeant; and those persons al-
luded to were heard to say, d n the

b h — s, they deserve to be kicked

down, for which those officers were
formally forbid the room of the navy
officers. After continueing some few
days in this situation, a plot was agreed
on, that might have been carried into
execution, which was, on private in-
formation that most of the troops of
Philadelphia, consisting of the grena-
diers (the main body being at German-
town), were to go down on a secret ex-
pedition, we had concluded to get the
guards drunk, relieve the prisoners in the
goal (we being ourselves seventy-five
officers in number), proceed to Cornwal-
lis's quarters, of whom we had secret
intelligence, and take our route over
Middle Ferry at Schuylkill, where was
a guard of only twenty men; we officers
of the navy forfeiting our honors to se-
cure the retreat; matters thus agreed on,
I consented to pass, and reconnoitre the

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177

guards; accordingly, at eleven o'clock at
night took a water pot in my hand, pass-
ed all the guards (who were in a situation
we could wish them), went out of the
doors into the street to the pump, filled
my jar with water, and returned in the
same manner, the guards every one
asleep. I must acknowledge the tempta-
tion great, when I found myself alone in
the street; but the hopes of being in
some measure of great service to my
country bore down all private views; on
my return informed the rest of my suc-
cess and observations, and with some
others urged the necessity of our imme-
diately prosecuting our plans without
delaying the time ; some who were to be
the leaders going to bed, discouraged
others, while a few, among whom was a
Major Darch, of Virginia, were prepared
for the purpose; the guard unluckily
were awaked by the relief; thus were
our measures frustrated by the back-
wardness of a few. I then solemnly
declared I would attempt my escape
at any rate, let the consequence be
what it might to the rest; accord-
ingly, about three nights afterwards,
before the guards had got their lights, I
saw most of the prisoners engaged at
cards, I slipped unobserved out of the
room, the door closing behind me (as I
was particularly watched), with my shoes
off, close behind the sentry, and got up
stairs, where the clock was fixed, the
spindle of which to the dials I carefully
traced to the case for the weights which,
being neglected, had run down. I let
myself down, and in two minutes was in
the State House yard (a panel being
broke out of the bottom of the case)
although it was dark was discovered by

the walking centry, who followed me to
the necessary, which I entered, and im-
mediately got through the window, and
on my hands and knees crawled to the
ditch of the wall, over which I got ; be-
ing then in my uniform, I proceeded to
a Quaker's house, who had frequently
proffered me friendship, in order to
change my clothes, but could gain no
admittance, unless I could lay concealed
on the roof the house. I then proceeded
to Captain Harris's, where I was well
received, and lodged in the cellar under
the woods for two nights and a day,
where I disguised myself, until I could
devise a method of getting out of the
city. On the second, disguised like a
porter, with a bag on my shoulder, as if
going for potatoes, passed their lines,
and got to Gloster Point, about two
miles below the city, where I swam one
mile and a quarter to League island,
in the time of the year when the water
was frozen on the meadows; after which
I was obliged to walk near three miles,
without hat, coat or shoes, before I could
get on board any boat to take me to
the fleet at Mud island. At length I got
on the brig Andra Doria, where I was
supplied with a jacket and trowsers, &c,
for which, in the settlement of my ac-
count, they have charged me pounds,
equal to hard cash. Here I commanded
the gunboat, and was in every action for
near five weeks, either on board the
floating batteries or the gallies, particu-
larly in the last action at Mud Island ;
the first Lieutenant of the floating bat-
tery being under arrest, I was ordered
on board to take command of the gun-
deck, when we lay exposed to the fire of
three two deckers, and the Vigilant

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floating battery for three hours within
musket shot; when night put an end to
the action, and we towed on shore, with
28 twenty four pounders below water,
and the spar deck entirely shot away ;
during the action we had three rein-
forcements. While commanding the
gun boat I cut away at night at two dif-
ferent times the buoys laid out at the
expense of many of their lives, in order
to warp up their floating battery, on
which their whole dependence lay in the
reduction of Mud island; this greatly
protracted the siege. On our evacua-
tion of the forts and the destroying of
our fleets, was the only boat that arrived
at Bordentown, loaded with powder, the
remainder were drove on shore in pass-
ing the city by the very severe fire from
the enemy. Our ships on fire making it
as bright as day, the gallies luckily es-
caped the night before.

On my arrival at Bordentown, I was
made Commissary for the seamen of the
late fleet, and with Captain Robinson,
had the conducting of the famous battle
of the Kegs, after which Captain Barry
and myself, in two barges, passed Phila-
delphia through the ice, where we cap-
tured a British schooner of eight guns,
and two ships, one of six guns, after a
running fight of three hours. Those
vessels we were obliged to destroy, being
shortly after pursued by two frigates.
In those barges we cruised until the
middle of April, preventing any com-
munication from the country with the
enemy by water, and was greatly accessary
in the preservation of General Wayne
and his party, with near one thousand
head of cattle, which he had collected
in the Jersies near Salem. The enemy

having intelligence of Gen. Wayne, land-
ed near 1500 men in the Jersies ; In conse-
quence of which, Gen. Wayne consulted
Captain J. Barry and myself, being then
at Salem. It was judged necessary to
fire all the forage on the Jersey side of the
river, which would naturally draw the ene-
my that way, whilst he (General Wayne)
by heading the creeks, might march
around to the back of them. This plan
was put in immediate execution, and ef-
fected to our wish ; the enemy making
their appearance, as we had nearly fin-
ished our work. Gen. Wayne having
saved all his stock, returned, collected
the Militia, and galled their retreat.
After laying up the barges, we went to
Senepuxent on business ; where a mes-
sage came on shore from Count D'Estaing
(who was then off Chingoteague) praying
some pilots or gentlemen acquainted
with the coast and harbours, to come on
board him, as the want of them was his
only detention. I accordingly set off in
company with Captain Baldwin and the
express. We pursued, but could not
come up with the fleet, they being in
chase of some English ships of war, until
we arrived at the Capes of the Delaware.
I went on board the Chimere frigate to
Philadelphia, for which ship I cruised
the bay and coast as a tender, until I was
called upon to weigh the guns of the
burnt fleet ; which service was perform-
ed in company with Capt. Brewster, to
the number of fifty eight ; some in three
fathoms water, together with a sloop of
ten guns, with everything on board for a
cruise in seven fathoms ; for this service
we received only one ration, and our
usual months wages, not paid yet. From
this business I was called upon, to carry

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179

dispatches from Congress and Mons Gir-
ard, to the Marquis D'Bouille, at Mar-
tinico, in a vessel of twenty tons only ;
every naval officer having refused, al-
ledging the smallness of the vessel and
the time of the year (being the first of
October). The Navy board urging the
great necessity of the matter, together
with large promises, I was determined
to undertake it, at the risk of my life ; I
accordingly set off, manned with five
deserters from a British man of war, and
six Spaniards taken out of goal, and
through Providence, (although they had
brought the goal distemper on board, so
that only two could keep the deck at the
same time,) we arrived safe at Martinico.
Here I was obliged to be led by two men
to the Governor to deliver my dispatches.
His Excellency treated me with the
greatest politeness, and sent his own
physician to attend me. Judge my situ-
ation on that passage, being four times
chased, myself obliged to be supported
to take an observation, there being no
other on board capable, which was a
great cause why they had not secured
my dispatches, as I was informed by one
of the men, I afterward saw at Rotter-
dam, when I escaped from Fortune
prison in England. I remained at
Martinico, near three months in expecta-
tions arising from some promises made
me by the Navy Board ; after which
time, returned in a brig loaded with
sugar, charged with dispatches to Con-
gress. I was chased into Chesapeak bay
by a frigate, and afterward proceeded
for Baltimore. When nearly opposite
the river Patuxent, I was chased by two
British privateers ; and as I had only
four guns and twelve men, plied them

with my stern chase ; and as they were
coming up fast ordered the lee ports to be
hawled up, and billets chalked at the
ends, run out with all the guns on one
side, (being pierced for 16.) When near
to me, bore around and raked a schoon-
er, cut away her jibb stay, and fore hal-
yard, on which, the other also bore away,
and the schooner followed. I however
arrived safe at Baltimore, and from
thence proceeded to Philadelphia with
my dispatches. On my arrival at Phila-
delphia, I found it out of the power of
the Navy Board to serve me, there being
no continental vessels in that port. I
then returned and fitted out the Black
Snake at Baltimore with 16 guns and
eighty men, this was attended with great
trouble and much expense. I proceeded
down as far as Portsmouth, when the
British fleet, under Commodore Hotham,
appeared in the mouth of the bay and
bent their course for James river. A
vessel laden with stores, belonging to
the State of Virginia, lay becalmed near
Hawkins hole ; a Captain of one of the
State galleys, begged my assistance in
covering the brig, as some of the enemy's
tenders were coming up fast with a
southerly breeze; I immediately got under
way with my sweeps, and dropped below
the brig ; the galley made the best of
her way up James river, however I saved
the brig. Judging the destination of the
enemy up James river, I run my vessel
for Portsmouth harbour, up Elizabeth
river ; but the next morning we ob-
served the fleet standing for Portsmouth,
and as there was a large number of ship-
ping then in the harbour, in company
with two Captains of French ships, we
offered our service to Major Mathurs, to

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act under him in the fort, we being capa-
ble of bringing three hundred good men
with us; who, with the matrosses of the
fort, and the Militia, might have saved
the place, and prevented the devastation
committed there. The Major did not ac-
cept our offer, and set off with two field
pieces towards North Carolina ; this dis-
couraged the inhabitants. The French
ships and myself, ran as far up the river,
so as to get a morass on each side of us ;
where we sprung across the river to de-
fend ourselves as long as possible. I
then with my barge's crew, returned to
Portsmouth, to observe the motions of
the enemy. I found the town deserted
by all except a few ; stores full of goods,
and magazines full of state stores ; We
immediately sunk above a thousand
stands of arms, and set fire to a ship of
22 guns, which lay ready for launching,
and through solicitation, loaded a scow
with bale goods for Mr. Dean, brother
of Silas Dean Esq. (he being present)
and secured them up the river. The
enemy making their appearance on the
wharfs, and commencing a heavy fire on
our boat, I proceeded on board and con-
sulted with the French captains, who
promised to stand by me ; but am sorry
to say, that on notice given of a force
coming against us, they blew up their
ships, and left me to shift for myself. I
was however determined to wait the issue.
In about two hours, a large galley with
a 24 pounder, one schooner and three
gunboats, of one brass six pounder each,
commanded by a Lieutenant of the
Commodore, approached us. I had both
my broadsides well loaded, and our
colours were flying ; They came so near,
that judging my grape and musquetry of

service, we gave them a well directed fire,
which obliged them to retire behind a
point, where they held a consultation for
near an hour. From all their fire we
had as yet no man hurt. During their
consultation, my men absolutely refused
to fight such odds; I then ordered
those who chose to go on shore, to step
in the boat, in short they all left me but
17, and these mostly officers. We were
determined to have one touch more, and
then set fire to the magazines, for which
purpose we placed a suitable match ;
the enemy having returned more deter-
mined, they kept their fire briskly up,
until coming very near, they percieved
no one on board (our barge being on
the other side with our small arms) ;
without raising our heads above the
waist, we poured in a full broadside,
which did great execution ; and as they
boarded one side, we jumped over the
other, and put off for the shore.

Forgetting to wet the priming of the
other side guns, they gave us the con-
tents, being not twenty yards distance,
killed two, and wounded four of our
party. We soon got on shore, and from
behind the trees in the swamp, galled
them prodigiously. Upon this they pro-
duced the Lieutenant of marines, with a
halter round his neck, and swore they
would hang him if we did not desist :
he being left behind through his own
neglect. We then marched off, through
the swamp without interruption. We
understood from the inhabitants, and
some of my officers, who were afterwards
taken in the swamp, that we killed nine,
and wounded eleven, among the former,
was an Aid of Gen. Mathews and of the
latter the commanding officer, who died

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181

shortly after. I was pursued with
some of my officers, and kept four days
in a place called Dismal Swamp, without
a mouthful to eat, half leg deep in mud
every step, and seldom a drop of water,
which brought on the piles. I coun-
celled my officers to make for the roads
at all events, and get to Nansemund
river, they all refused except the first
Lieutenant and clerk, who were deter-
mined to pursue my fate. We nearly
gained the skirt of the Swamp before
night, and there waited an opportunity
to gain the other side of the road before
morning; which we happily did, after
hearing two of the patrols meet ; and
got down as far as Nansemund which
we crossed in a small canoe. We had
not quite crossed, when we perceived
the enemy on the bank we had set off
from, but were then happily out of their
reach. From Nansemund we had to
walk the length of fifty miles to Wil-
liamsburg. On my arrival at that place,
I was sent for, by Governor Henry, of
Virginia, who gave me his thanks for
what little service I had rendered the
state, with five hundred pounds for a
horse and sulky (as I could not ride on
horseback) to defray my expenses to
Baltimore, promising me great acknowl-
edgment on recovering the arms I had
sunk at Portsmouth. While I remained
at Williamsburg, I understood the re-
mainder of my officers were taken in the
swamp, owing to a boy who was sent
out for the purpose of deceiving them,
by pretending to shew them the way to
the North Carolina road ; he led them
to an ambuscade of soldiers, placed for
the purpose; the truth of which I had
afterwards from Mr. Hayes, (a nephew

of General Conway) who was my Cap-
tain of Marines.

When I arrived at Baltimore was or-
dered on board the Continental ship
Chacy, to carry her to France ; she then
lying at Patuxent with 700 hogsheads of
tobacco on board. On board this ship
I was near a twelve month, until she was
so much cut by the ice, in the severe
winter of 1779-80, that she was judged
unfit for sea, and all the benefit I re-
ceived was wearing out my cloaths.
Being destitute, I took a brig of twelve
guns, loaded with tobacco from Eden-
town, bound for Bourdeaux; was unfor-
tunately taken by the Newfoundland
fleet, bound to Lisbon, and taken to that
port. Whilst there the son of the French
Consul came on board the Frigate, who
informed me if I could make my escape
on shore he would protect me. I observed
we lay in the hawse of a Portuguese
man of war, when tide of flood; ac-
cordingly, one rainy night on the flood
tide, about the middle watch, I stript all
to my drawers, and with a knife in my
mouth, was getting out one of the waist
ports, when I was seized by the centinel
of the cabin, for which I was closely
confined and otherwise illtreated ; My
intention was to fall alongside the long
boat, cut her panther, and drive athwart
the Portuguese hawse. I was afterwards
carried to Portsmouth, and confined to
Forton Prison, from which place I made
my escape in the following manner :
Over or through the roof of the prison,
at the top, there are ventilators for ex-
tracting the foul air from the prison ;
they are about eighteen inches square,
and come through the ceiling that forms
a cockloft ; these we removed, and get-

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ting through the holes of the ceiling,
and laying on our backs, passed the bags
of dirt we had dug in undermining the
walls of the prison, and started them
on the ceiling. In this manner we dug;
the first hole was about 40 feet, in which
we were found out, by a tile falling from
the roof in replacing the ventilator; but
they never could divine where we put
the dirt ; our answer to them was that
we eat it : the tile unlucklily falling on
the guard's head, he rushed in the prison,
and discovered the hole we had dug be-
fore we could cover it. The next we
attempted were more fortunate; we dug
42 feet; the method of calculating was
ten bags to a foot, and 100 bags was
usually a night's work. At length we
broke up in the cellar kitchen of an old
woman, who, being frightened, fell back-
ward, but recovering, called the guard !
the guard ! however, we soon gagged
her, and about 60 got out of the hole.
A Captain Smith and myself made our
escape to Gosport; the rest were either
five pounders, or taken (a five pounder
is one or many, who agree with some one
of the boors, on such a night they will be
out and come to his house, which they
do, and spend the night and perhaps the
next day drinking, &c; he then brings
them to the Commissary, and receives
five pounds for each, half of which goes
to the prisoners). From Gosport we
went to Portsmouth, where we received
instruction from our good friend Dr.
Wren how to proceed; however we were
in London twenty four hours from For-
ton Prison. By our worthy friend we
were directed to a Mr. Diggs, who was
then an agent in that city, and informed
him that I was a continental officer.

He procured me a passage to Ostend in
a trader, giving me letters to Mr. Frank-
lin at Passy, and Mr. Adams at Amster-
dam, as likewise the charge of two pack-
ages for a Mr. Boen at Ostend; he had
likewise given a Mr. Bralesford a letter
to Mr. Boen, as he was going to Ostend,
by the way of Margate, specifying the
articles in my charge. I proceeded as
far as Greenwich, where we came to,
and when getting again under way, an
officer came on board, with an open let-
ter in his hand, and demanded my name ;
I told him it was John Black ; he asked
me where I belonged to, what business
I followed, and what my business was at
Ostend ; I told him, that " I commanded
a privateer cutter, called the Sandwich,
laying at Southampton ; my business at
Ostend was, to redeem fourteen of my
men, who made their escape from Dun-
kirk, who had been retaken in a prize of
mine on a former cruize ; they having
run much in debt in Ostend, were de-
tained for the payment, and as my vessel
could not proceed to sea without them
was going for them myself." He then
produced the letter sent by Mr. Diggs,
with Mr. Bralesford, wherein my name
was mentioned, having the charge of the
packages ; he informed me, the bearer of
the letter, being too free in his speech,
and dropping some expression unsuita-
ble, was seized, and this and other letters
of consequence found on him, which were
sent to him in order to stop the vessel.
The Captain informed him, a person of
that description was to have been his
passenger, but had taken another route ;
Whilst he was searching for the packages,
I slipt my letters between the carbines,
and the deck unperceived, after which

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183

was entirely easy as to myself. But
finding the packages, he desired me to
remain on board until he had spoke to
the head officer, and detained the vessel
until the next morning, it being then near
dusk. In his absence the Captain told
me, he greatly suspected me ; and ad-
vised me as a friend to take his boat and
go on board a vessel just getting under
way, bound for the same port. He de-
sired me to turn his boat a drift as the
wind would drive her on shore ; he could
then inform the officer I had taken away
the boat. I thanked him, took his ad-
vice, and the next evening arrived at
Ostend. I having engaged with Mr.
Diggs, to go master of the South Caro-
lina frigate (then at Amsterdam) made
the best of my way through Flanders for
that place. In Rotterdam I saw Com-
modore Gillon, the commander of the
ship, who gave me his directions. On
my arrival on board the ship, then lay-
ing about half way between Amsterdam
and the Texel, every thing was in confu-
sion, three of the Lieutenants were under
arrest, and the ship like a mere wreck,
her crew then about 250 men mostly
Americans, who had made their escape
and had got on board under pretence of
giving them a passage to America ; where
they were near a twelve month with two
miles (a part of the time) of the shore,
and were never allowed the liberty of
slipping over the ship's side ; I myself
was seven months on board, though mas-
ter of the ship. On some disagreement
I quit the ship and returned to Amster-
dam, where I was offered a Second Lieu-
tenancy on board Admiral Dedel, in a ship
of 68 guns. I could not accept it, as the
wages would not support me in that sta-

tion, most of the officers being sons of
Noblemen. I then took passage in a
brig for Philadelphia, and after arriving
on the coast, we were blown off, and re-
duced to half a biscuit and a pint of
water per day for three weeks; we put
into Porto-Rico, a mere wreck, from
which place I arrived safe at Phila-
delphia.

On my arrival at Philadelphia I took
the Lieutenancy of the Hyder Ally; on
board which ship we engaged, and took
the General Monk; the engagement last-
ed 27 minutes, with the muzzles of our
guns rubbing together. The Monk had
eighteen nine pounders and 132 men;
Hyder Ally had twelve six pounders and
four nine pounders, with 120 men, pick-
ed by chance out of the streets not a
week before; our loss was three killed
and eleven wounded; that of the enemy
(though almost incredible) was 21 killed,
among which were the Master, Boat-
swain, Lieutenant and Gunner, and 32
wounded; among the latter was Captain
Rogers. A short time after this engage-
ment I accepted the Lieutenancy of
the General Washington (formerly the
Monk), and proceeded for the Havanna
with Captain Barney for half a million
of dollars. On our passage we fell in
with a Liverpool privateer of equal
force, with whom we had a severe brush
for about three glasses; she kept up a
running fight, but our ship being the best
sailer had greatly the advantage, until
she shot away our fore top gallant mast,
splintered almost half the main mast,
and shot our mizzen mast under the
hounds, as her fire was mostly at our
spars and rigging. She killed of us only
one man, and wounded four; night com-

1 84

REPRINTS

ing on, and not being able to make
sail, she got from us. Our damages
obliged us to put into Cape Francois for
main and mizzen masts &c. After we
had made our repairs, we sailed for the
Havanna, and on our arrival there found
that an embargo was laid on all Ameri-
can vessels, in consequence of advice
from Spain that America was making a
separate peace. The Governor conclud-
ed the embargo should be taken off, pro-
vided two of the American vessels,
mounting 16 guns each, were fitted out
to cruize the coast of Cuba, which was
complyed with, and myself ordered the
command of the Schuykill, of 16 six
pounders, and ioo men, mostly Span-
iards. After cruizing about a month
without success, fell in with the British
fleet of 27 sail of the line, and in the
night, was taken and brought into New
York and paroled on Long Island; hav-
ing certificates with me of some prison-
ers I had put on board a flag from Ja-
maica, I procured my exchange. On
my way to Philadelphia was offered the
command of Hyler's boats at Bruns-
wick, which I accepted. In these boats
I captured a British gun boat, with 22
grenadiers and sailors, and retook a brig
that was on ground near the narrows,
for which the gun boat was the guard,
together with a schooner with half the
brig's cargo on board. Shortly after, the
peace taking place, put an end to my
services.

Observations. — The intention of
publishing the aforegoing narrative is,
to convey an idea of the sufferings of
those who engaged in the naval depart-
ment during the late war ; and I would

be understood as considering myself one
of the least of those sufferers.

This narrative may likewise serve to
shew some peculiar disadvantages the
Navy Officers laboured under; which,
it is conceived, entitle them to a parti-
cipation of the emoluments granted to
their brethren in the land service: such
as the allotments of land, and commu-
tation monies, as it is commonly termed.
The exclusion of the Navy Officers from
these privileges is certainly unfair. It
has been acknowledged by gentlemen of
candor and abilities that, although the
officers of the navy were not so numer-
ous as those of the army, still their spir-
ited conduct throughout the war was ap-
parent; their services were essentially
useful; their exposition to dangers was
great; and their sacrifices and sufferings
were equal to any other class of citizens.
If this be true, why are they not to reap
equal emoluments with their brethren in
the land service ? Even to procure a
settlement of accounts for their known
services, they are obliged to send for
certificates to the most distant parts of
the Continent.

Another difficulty at present peculiar
to some of the officers is this: — The
Whig merchants who were engaged
in the shipping line previous to the
late war, being mostly now unable to
serve them, they are necessarily obliged
to follow occupations with which they
are unacquainted, or remain idle. The
greater part of the persons at present
engaged in the shipping way, being men
of opposite principles, employ such as
have acted, and now think, similar to
themselves.

At the conclusion of the war, finding

NOTES

I8 5

myself destitute of employ, I was under
the necessity of accepting the disagree-
able business of transporting free negroes
from this place to their respective homes.
In the prosecution of which I incurred
the appelation of Kidnapper. However,
I can easily exculpate myself from this
charge, as my transactions were author-
ized by some of the Magistracy, whose
warrants I can at any time produce.

The tried and sincere friends of my
country will, I trust, approve of my in-
tentions in this publication. As for the
opinions of the opposite class, they ever
were, and still are to me, a matter of
mere indifference.

Luke Matthewman,
An American Navy Officer in the late war.

NOTES

The continental cockade. — The
officers who have lately come into camp
are informed that it has been found
necessary, amidst such frequent changes
of troops, to introduce some distinctions
by which their several ranks may be
known, viz.: — Field officers wear a pink
or red cockade ; Captains, white or buff;
Subalterns, green. The General flatters
himself every gentleman will conform to a
regulation which he has found essentially
necessary to prevent mistake and con-
fusion. — General Orders, Aug. 20, 1776.

All officers, as well warrant or com-
missioned, to wear a cockade and side
arms. — General Orders, June 18, 1780.

The officers recommended to have
white and black cockades, a black
ground with a white relief, emblematic
of the expected union of the two armies,
American and French. — General Orders,
July 19, 1780.

At a. meeting of the Whig inhabitants
of New York City returned from a seven
years' exile, held at Cape's Tavern Nov.
20, 1783, it was Resolved, That the
Badge of Distinction to be worn at the
reception of the Governor, on his en-
trance in this City, be a Union Cockade,
of black and white ribband, worn on the
left breast, and a Laurel in the hat. —
Rivington's JV. Y. Gazette, Nov. 22, 1783.

Boston, June 16. The Minister of
War has been pleased to direct, that the
uniform of the troops raised and to be
raised for the frontier service, be blue,
faced and lined with white, for the
infantry ; and blue, faced and lined with
red, for the artillery ; the cockades to be
black. Discarding the union cockade
does not seem to meet with general ap-
probation. It is therefore to be lamented,
that any regulation should take place
that will excite jealousy, or create un-
easiness in the minds of our allies, who
afforded us succour in the moment of
distress and difficulty. — Port-Roseway
Gazetteer, June 30, 1785.

Several persons, says a Philadelphia
paper, have been taken up and commit-
ted for wearing in their hats a red and
blue ribbon ; the old continental cockade.
* * * there are many also who wear
black cockades in their hats. * * *
the only manner in which the magis-
tracy can effectually restore tranquility
to the city is by prohibiting the wearing
of these badges. It will no doubt be
attempted to make a distinction between
these two sorts of badges, the one will
be called French because it bears some
resemblance to it ; the other American,
though it is exactly like the British.

As to the blue and red cockade, it is

1 86

NOTES

true that it is not the military badge
recognized by our government as the
American cockade ; though it is com-
posed of the colors in our national flag,
and was worn in the beginning of our
revolutionary war. It is true also, that
it somewhat resembles the French. — The
Time Piece, May 14, 1798. W. K.

the Anchor to the Owner in Marble-
head. Petersfield.

Another fish story. — Boston, No-
vember 23, 1767. We hear from Marble-
head, that a Fisherman arrived there
last Friday Night from the Banks of
Newfoundland; the Master and People
belonging to her give the following
extraordinary account, viz. That on
the Banks of Newfoundland being at
Anchor, they were much surprised to
observe that their Vessel ran direct in
the Winds Eye at a considerable Rate,
they hove their Log-Line and found she
went above 7 knots, (not being able to
purchase their Anchor) and continued
so to their great Astonishment for 36
Hours, without being able to Account
for this unusual Occurrence ; when a
large Whale hove up, seemingly much
tired, they then hove towards him, and
got so nigh as to discern the whale had
got their Anchor in his jaws ; they still
hove nigher, and threw their Fish-Hook
into the Ring of the Anchor, but being
under fearful Apprehensions of Danger,
they cut their Cable, and the Whale
went off with their Anchor and part of
the Cable. Several other Fishermen
being in sight were greatly surprised to
see this Vessel run direct to Wind ward
without any sail, and hove up their
Anchors and came to sail, flgjjp"* If any
of the Whalemen should happen to take
the Whale, they are desired to return

Naval song, 1812. —

Columbia's sons, a patriot band
Inured to victory on the land,
In spite of orders and decrees,
Are gaining laurels on the seas.

Decatur, Jones, and gallant Hull
Will give a lesson to John Bull ;
And Rodgers, too, who we well know
Will conquer, when he meets the foe.

Of Davy Jones, no future fear
From English sailors shall we hear ;
For now they wish to save their bones
From being sent to Jacob Jones.

H. S.

NEW YORK PROVINCIAL CURRENCY.

A tabular statement of the rates of ster-
ling exchange in the province of New
York at successive periods, would be
convenient for reference.

Appleton's Cyclopaedia sub voce "Mon-
ey," gives the rates which obtained in
the several provinces for a single year —
the year 1767. In New York and East
Jersey the rates were 175 to 171 5-7.

From manuscripts consulted I learn
that in 1758 the guinea was valued in
New York currency at £1 16 o

The French pistole at 180

The Spanish pistole at 190

The Portugese moidore at 260

The Johannes, or " joe," at 3 3°

New York bills of three, five and ten
pounds, and of twenty and forty shil-
lings are mentioned; and "Jersey bills"
of three and six pounds, and of three,
twelve and thirty shillings. The Jersey
pound was worth £1 1 8 New York
currency. C. W. B.

NOTES

The good old times. — The citizens
of Framingham, Mass., celebrated the
4th of July, 1827, in good style. Among
the toasts drank on that occasion was
the following, offered by Josiah Adams:
" The good old luxurious days of our
Independent Daddies : — when Bean-por-
ridge was Turtle-soup, New Cider was
Champagne, and Bread and Molasses
was Wedding-cake." A. H.

Last of the stamps. — Newport,
Rhode Island, December 7, 1767. Last
week his Majesty's Ship the Garland, Cap-
tain St. Johns, sailed from this port for
England. She carried off — (what the Vi-
per brought here about two Year since)
— the memorable Stamped Paper, which
was sent by the Mother Country, for the
use of her Children in this Colony; and
now returned, in order to be unpacked
and distributed. Redwood.

Benevolent societies in Philadel-
phia. — The St. Andrews is by far the old-
est of all the national societies of a relief
and social character in the city of Phila-
delphia, having been founded by Scotch-
men, for giving pecuniary assistance to
their distressed countrymen, as far back
as the year 1749. Next in age among
our national societies of this class are the
German, founded in 1764; the Hiber-
nian, 1771-1792; Sons of St. George,
1772; the Welsh, in 1798; the Societe
de Francais de Beinfaisance, in 1793-
1805, and the Swiss Benevolent, in 1805.

2. A Bishop revived and authorised
in Connecticut.

3. The British restraining our trade,
keeping possession of our frontier posts,
carrying away our money and laughing
at us — and likely to do so forever.

4. Religious disputes revived in the
enlightened State of Maryland.

5. Rhode Island granting the five per
cent, duty to Congress, and New York
refusing it.

6. The free constitution of Pennsyl-
vania.

7. George Washington. — Freeman s
Journal, May, 1785. W. K.

The seven wonders of the world.
1. A Stamp Act, and a duty on Tea at
Boston.

Pirates on the Virginia coast. —
Upon the 7th of this Instant a Ship ar-
rived at Bristol from Virginia, and
brought this account : That a Pyrate of
20 Guns and 120 men of Several Na-
tions, came about the latter end of
March upon the Coast, and took the
Indian King of London, and also one
Captain Larty of London, laden with
Tobacco; but the Shoreham, one of his
Majesty's Ships, arriving there at the
same time, tho' weakly mann'd, Coll.
Nicholson, the Governour, with several
other Persons, went aboard her, engag'd
the Pyrate, and after a fight of Ten
Hours took her, and retook the two
Merchants Ships before mention'd also,
with the loss of the Collector, and six
more kill'd and wounded. A consider-
able piece of service done in time, for
had not this Pyrate been luckily pre-
vented by the Courage and Conduct of
the Governour, all the Homeward bound
Ships for this Season had been in dan-
ger of being distroyed. — The State of
Europe, June, 1700. W. K.

188

QUERIES

German bible of 1483. — The Rev-
erend Ferdinand Sievers, Lutheran pas-
tor of Frankenlust, Saginaw County,
Michigan, is the possessor of a Bible
printed at Nuremberg in the year 1483.
It contains a curious inscription show-
ing that in the year 1602 this book was
presented to the newly-founded library
of the village of Namslau, in Prusian
Silesia, by Johannes Kletke, citizen and
baker of that village ; " for the Luther-
ans, as heretics, to their ignominy and
infamy, that they may see that their
German Lutheran Bible has been falsi-
fied : — much omitted, much added."

This edition of the Bible contains the
Apocrypal books of the Old Testament,
but lacks the Pentateuch and several
other historical books. Is it known to
the libraries ? C. W. B.

French in new york. — What was
the period of the first introduction of
the French Huguenot element into New
York ? Did any emigration occur before
the Edict of Nantes ? Albany.

Steuben's will. — Kapp, in his Life
of Steuben, prints a will of the Baron.
Can any of your readers give informa-
tion as to where the original is preserved ;
the Records of the State of New York
have been searched in vain ?

Searcher.

Portrait of columbus. — Is there
known to exist any authentic portrait of
Columbus ? Diego.

Church of England in maine. — Do
any records exist of the members of the

Church of England who settled at an
early period at Pemaquid ; Hough's vol-
umn does not give biographical detail ?

E. R. T.

REPLIES

Wreck at the isles of shoals.—
(II. 57.) Many years ago I collected
some historical matters relating to the
Isles of Shoals. Among my collections,
I find some particulars relating to the
wreck there, referred to by Review.
Without producing evidence — as I de-
sign to discuss this more fully on another
occasion — I will state the following facts :
The Spanish vessel La Conception, from
Cadiz for New York, was wrecked at
the east end of Smutty Nose Island on
the night of January 14, 1813.

The Spanish ship Sagunto, Captain
Carrero, from Cadiz for New York, ar-
rived at Newport, R. I., on the 12th day
of January, 1813, two days before the
wreck of La Conception, having had a
long passage of 73 days. The Sagunto
proceeded to New York, reaching there
February 2, 1813.

To the blundering recorder at the
Isles of Shoals, and to some Boston news-
papers, we are indebted for all this con-
fusion.

Boston. C. W. T.

DlGHTON ROCK INSCRIPTION.— (II. S$.)

Dr. Rau's observations on the Dighton
Rock inscription does not go beyond
the facts, but it might appear from the
way the subject is presented, that the
error in connection with the Runamo
Rock was not well understood. Such,
however, is the case. It is referred to

REPLIES

189

amongst others, by the author of Pre-
Columbian Discovery (p. lv.), Munsell,
Albany, 1868. The point, however, is
that the case is specially comprehended
by the Boston committee, who have the
subject of a monument to the Northmen
in hand, and that all their actions will
be made consistent with the latest infor-
mation on the subject. The writer
understands that the Antiquarians of
Copenhagen have abandoned the in-
scription of Dighton Rock, as that of
Runamo, and the alleged " Runic Rock "
of Monhegan, Maine. It may also be
added, that a monument to the North-
men who discovered America in the
eleventh century has already been dedi-
cated by the Icelanders in Minnesota.

Delta.

Inverted interrogation points. —
(II. 58.) In the Spanish, whenever an ex-
clamatory or interrogative sentence oc-
curs of such length, or which from the con-
struction, its nature is not immediately
apparent, the distinguishing mark for
punctuation is placed, as in the English
at the conclusion, and also for the pur-
pose of guiding the reader in giving
proper modulation to the voice, and in
order to convey unequivocally to the
mind the idea intended, an inverted
point of the same character is prefixed
the sentence.

The publisher of the book mentioned,
realizing doubtless the manifest utility
of such an arrangement of the modu-
lative signs, employed it, perhaps, with
the hope of its ultimate incorporation
into our English system.

Hudson, N. Y. Ego.

Washington's headquarters, 1778.
— (II. 58.) Washington had his head-
quarters at Fredericksburg, now known
as Kent, Putnam County, New York,
from October to November, 1778, when
they were removed to Middlebrook.

W. K.

Fall of the alamo. — (II. 1.) Since
reading the article on the fall of Alamo,
by Capt. Potter,I have heard an old resi-
dent of San Antonio say, " I have often
seen and spoken to the daughter of
Capt. Dickenson, who was one of the
survivors of the Alamo." Captain Pot-
ter says, " Toward the close of the
struggle, Lieut. Dickenson, with his child
in his arms, or, as some accounts say,
tied to his back, leaped from the east
embrazure of the chapel, and both were
shot in the act ; " further on he says,
"A negro belonging to Travis, the wife
of Lieut. Dickenson, who at the time
was enciente, and a few Mexican women
with their children were the only in-
mates of the fort whose lives were
spared." The question is this : Was
not the lady referred to by my infor-
mant born after the fall of the Alamo ?
There seems also to be a conflict in the
following: Capt. Potter says, "Accord-
ing to Mr. Ruiz, then the Alcade of San
Antonio, who after the action was re-
quired to point out to Santa Ana, the
body of Crockett was found in the west
battery just referred to, and we may in-
fer that he either commanded at that
point, or was stationed there as a sharp-
shooter ; " Appleton's Cyclopaedia, vol.
I. page 236, says, " The Texans, unable
to load in the hand-to-hand fight which

190

PROCEEDINGS OF THE N. Y. HISTORICAL SOCIETY

now ensued, clubbed their rifles and
fought with desperation, until but six of
their band remained alive. These, in-
cluding Col Crockett, surrendered to
Castrillon, under promise of protection ;
but being taken before Santa Ana, they
were, by his orders, instantly cut to
pieces. Col. Crockett fell stabbed by a
dozen swords." The life of Crockett
very closely confirms the statement of
Mr. Ruiz to Capt. Potter.

E. W. Spencer.
Council Grove, Kansas.

FEBRUARY PROCEEDINGS

OF THE NEW YORK HISTORICAL

SOCIETY

The regular monthly meeting was held
in the Hall of the Society, Tuesday eve-
ning, February 5, 1878, the President,
Frederic de Peyster, LL.D., in the chai-i.

A minute of thanks to Mr. Benjamin
H. Field, late Treasurer of the Society,
for his long and faithful services, was
reported by the Executive Committee
and unanimously adopted.

A resolution of thanks was also voted
to John Divine Jones, Esq., of New
York City and Queens County, for his
generous gift of three thousand dollars
to the Society, thereby increasing the
John D. Jones Publication Fund to the
sum of six thousand dollars.

The usual routine of business con-
cluded, the Honorable Erastus C. Ben-
edict, LL.D., Chancellor of the Univer-
sity of the State of New York, read a
paper on " The Evacuation of New
York and the Battle of Harlem Heights,
in September, 1776."

This engagement, though unimportant
if the number of men engaged and the
amount of killed and wounded on either

side be alone considered, Mr. Benedict
held to be one of the most decisive of
the war. It was not a defeat as Bunker
Hill, nor yet a rout as the Battle of Long
Island, but a fairly earned success ; in-
deed, the first success of the American
arms. The British left their encamp-
ment which stretched across the island
from McGowan's on the east to the Ap-
thorpe House on the west, attacked the
Americans, and were driven back to
their position.

In the number of the Magazine for
January, 1877, our readers will find an
account of the celebration of the one
hundredth anniversary of this battle on
the heights overlooking Harlem Plains,
and of the oration then delivered by the
Honorable John Jay upon the fight and
its consequences. In this complete and
comprehensive address Mr. Jay located
the scene of the principal engagement to
be the crest of land upon which the
celebration was held, lying been 117th
and 119th streets. To this location Mr.
Benedict made exception, and held that
the action took place on the high ground to
the northward, in the neighborhood of the
Morris House, known as Harlem Heights.

At the close of the paper Mr. Benson
J. Lossing moved a vote of thanks to the
orator, and was seconded by the Rev.
Thomas E. Vermilye in some interesting
remarks ; and the evening closed with a
few words from the President, Mr. de
Peyster, who, from early youth, has been
familiar with the historic ground referred
to. Mr. de Peyster differed from the
conclusions of Mr. Benedict.

The paper will probably be the cause
of a lively controversy, in which, who-
ever may suffer, the interests of history
will be served.

LITERARY NOTICES

I 9 I

(Publishers of Historical Works wishing Notices, will address the Editor, with
Copies, Box 100, Station D — N. Y. Post office.)

NOVA-ZEMBLA (1596-1597). THE BAR-
entz Relics : Recovered in the Summer
of 1876, and presented to the dutch
Government. Described and explained by
J. K. J. de Jonge, Deputy Royal Archivist
at the Hague. Published by command of his
Excellency, W. F. Van Erp Taalman Kip,
Minister of Marine. Translated, with a pre-
face, by Samuel Richard Van Campen.
With a Map and a fac-simile of the "Scroll."
8vo, pp. 70. Trubner & Co., London,
1877.

The first discovery of the relics of this early
Dutch navigator, who sought the way to China
through the Arctic seas, was made by Captain
Elling Carlsen, who was the first navigator
known to have entered Ice Haven since the voy-
age of the Barents in 1596.

In 1594 the Government of the United-Prov-
inces fitted out three vessels for the discovery of
a northwest passage : le Cygne, commanded by
Cornelis ; le Merctire, by Isbrandtz ; and le Mes-
sager, by Willem Barentz de Terschelling. Of
these Barentz alone took a northerly course, and
reached the highest point of Nova-Zembla 77
25' north latitude, which he named Is-Hock or
Cap des Glaces. Further progress being stopped
by the ice he returned to Holland, where he
landed 16th September, 1594.

The next year a fleet of seven vessels under
the command of Van Heemskerch, and with
William Barentz as Chief Pilot, sailed from the
Texel and touched the Coasts of Nova-Zembla
and Asia, but was prevented by ice and fog from
reaching beyond the 71st parallel. These suc-
cessive failures discouraged the Dutch Govern-
ment. The Council of the City of Amsterdam
then stepped in, fitted out two vessels, and
placed them under the direction of Willem Bar-
entz. They left Amsterdam the 10th of May,
1596. The 5th of June they met the first ice-
bergs. After an extensive and circuitous navi-
gation they found themselves on the 25th of
August shut in by the ice. Here began, for the
hardy mariners, a series of incidents and priva-
tions which lend to the narrative a tinge of
romance.

The report before us gives on account of the
voyage of Mr. Gardiner's yacht "Glowworm,"
in July and August, 1876, to the spot where
Barentz wintered. We will not describe the
various articles discovered and rescued from

the custody of the bears. No. 16 of the collec-
tion contains nine strips of red flag stuff and
fragments of black banner stuff, with a depend-
ing white cross or Cross of St. Andrew ; joined
together it furnishes a portion of the three stripes
of the Amsterdam banner, namely, red, black,
with the three crosses (of which only one now
remains) and red. The objects found — one hun-
dred and twelve in number — were generously
presented to the Dutch Government, and are
now in the model room of the Naval Depart-
ment at the Hague.

THE PIONEERS OF UTICA : Being
Sketches of its Inhabitants and its
Institutions, with the Civil History of the
Place from the Earliest Settlement to the
year 1825, the Era of the Opening of the
Erie Canal. By M. M. Bagg, A.M., M.D.
8vo, pp. 665. Curtiss & Childs, t Utica,
1877.

This is one of the most exhaustive and valu-
able local histories of which we have knowledge,
and from the notices of it in the region which it
describes we are satisfied that its correctness
may be thoroughly relied upon. The original
settlement made at Utica took the name of Fort
Schuyler from the old fort at the fording place
of the Mohawk. The first chapters of the book
are devoted to a history of the taking up of the
original tract of the territory, which was origin-
ally a grant of 22,000 acres made by George II.
in 1734, for the benefit of Governor Cosby,
whence it took the name of Cosby's Manor. In
1774 it was sold for arrears of quit rents and
purchased by General Philip Schuyler, on joint
account of himself, General Bradstreet, Rutger
Bleecker, and John Morin Scott. In chapter
II. we find an account of the first charter of
Utica in 1798. Chapter IV. begins the history
of the town under the second charter of 1805 ;
chapter V. that under the third charter enacted
in 1817, when Utica was set off from Whitestone
and created into a separate town.

The volume is full of interesting biographical
detail concerning many distinguished families
whose names are identified with the history
of this beautiful city, and will be found indis-
pensable to any one interested in the study of
the history of the State of New York.

192

LITERARY NOTICES

THE COMING EMPIRE; or, Two Thou-
sand Miles in Texas on Horseback. By
H. F. McDonald and N. A. Taylor.
i2mo, pp. 389. A. S. Barnes & Co., New
York, 1877.

We have here a volume which cannot but
prove fascinating to all who are fond of accounts
of scenery and the adventure of travel. The
authors are enthusiastic travellers, show a keen
appreciation of nature and a devotion to the lone
star state which we have found common to all
who have visited this wonderful country, of
which our authors make the prophecy that come
what may, whatever changes and revolutions
may shake the American continent and disperse
its people, Texas will forever stand one indivis-
ible— the mightiest empire of them all. In the
next census her population will we are told
exceed that of Ohio ; in that which follows that
of New York. This is what we used to hear
termed "tall talk," but we have no disposition to
dispute the assertion. If " Nature and her God "
have knitted Texas together for a great destiny,
then as is said man cannot put her asunder ;
otherwise she must submit to the inevitable law
of subdivision and change. Intermixed with
charming descriptions of nature and country are
valuable accounts of the origin of the different
settlements and the characteristics of the popu-
lation.

THE INTERNATIONAL REVIEW. JAN-
uary-February, 1878. A. S. Barnes & Co.
New York.

The publishers have never supplied a better
number than this. The article on the Elements
of National Wealth, by David A. Wells, and on
Money and its Laws, by W. G. Sumner, will in-
terest the large and increasing class of persons
who are making political economy a study.
Sumner's place in history is treated by Ben.
Perley Poore, and the Count of the Electoral
Vote by Alexander H. Stephens. These are the
only articles with which we have properly any
thing to do ; but the reader will find amuse-
ment and instruction in First Impressions of
Athens by Mr. Freeman, and in Dr. Samuel
Osgood's learned disquisition on Modern Love.
His treatment of it is not as realistic, nor his
physiological analysis as keen as that of Stend-
hal. Goethe's Werther is the text of this first
chapter. Werther was an example of what
Stendhal calls amour-passion , which is hardly
the recognized German type, which is usually
amour-sentiment. From this metaphysical di-
lemma we expect to see the accomplished Doc-
tor extract himself triumphantly in a second pa-
per, the theme of which is to be " Modern love
in its positive traits and serious worth." We
are glad to be promised such treatment of the
universal god, who, as the poet tells us, "rules
the court, the camp, the grove."

HISTORY OF WINDHAM COUNTY, CON-
NECTICUT. By Ellen D. Larned. Volume
I. 1 600-1 760. Published by the Author,
1874. Svo, pp. 582. Charles Hamilton,
Worcester. Map. 1874

This first volume of the history of this ancient
town brings its record to the middle of the last
century. We regret extremely that the promise
of a second volume, which should continue the
account to the present day, has not yet been ful-
filled. It is rarely that we find a work so com-
prehensive as this, which was pronounced at the
time of its publication as rather an exposition
of New England character, institutions and life,
illustrated in the settlement and history of a fron-
tier country, than a local sketch. The accomp-
lished authoress is familiar with her subject in
every branch, and her work is the recognized
standard authority upon all subjects whereof it
treats. It is divided into four periods : the first,
from 1676 to 1726 ; the second, from 1726 to
1743 ; the third, from 1740 to 1746, when the
well-known Separatist religious movement shook
the orthodox world ; and fourth, from 1745 to
1760, closing with the French and Indian
War.

THE COMMONWEALTH RECON-
STRUCTED. By Charles C. P. Clark, M.D.
8vo, pp. 216. A. S. Barnes & Co., New
York.

This is an effort to present a picture of the
existing condition of the political system of the
United States ; to ascertain the true root of our
difficulties, and recommend a method of change,
which the author does in a new system of elec-
tions. We find in his reasonings and sugges-
tions a great deal that is excellent, while we
differ with him in many of his conclusions. Mr.
Clark considers that we are doing the best that
we can under our present system, and that the
present machinery of political organization is
indispensable to democratic affairs, from the fact
that its methods and instruments, caucus, con-
vention, committee and platform, are the inevi-
table processes of every popular movement.
The new system proposed contemplates a popu-
lar constituency and a college of representative
electors chosen by it. The tenure of office he
would have undefined and at the pleasure of the
elective as well as the appointing power. We
can not go further into details. The book is
well worth perusal and study.

MAGAZINE OF AMERICAN HISTORY

Vol. II APRIL 1878 No. 4

THE CONTINENTAL CONGRESS BEFORE THE
DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

THE gallant struggle of the American Colonies against the gigantic
power of Great Britain, and their ultimate triumph, resulting in
the establishment of a new and mighty empire on the Western
Continent — that most remarkable and ever-memorable struggle for inde-
pendence — has constantly excited the admiration and reverence of
mankind during the century that has majestically passed away. Stand-
ing at the shadowy portal, through which the thronging events of the
coming ages will in like manner pass, it is well for the members of our
great republic to frequently look back, and keep well in view the lofty
motives and soul-inspiring enthusiasm with which the Fathers laid the
foundations of our noble and wonderfully enduring government. When
we stand in the Yosemite Valley in California, and contemplate the
endless groves of beautiful trees, the carpet of wild flowers, and the placid
river reflecting majestic outlines, while the roar of cataracts, leaping as
it were from the clouds, fills the air, we feel transported with the charm-
ing scene, the Paradise of Creation ! But when we raise our eyes
to the tremendous rocky walls that surround this Eden, lifting our
thoughts to another world, we see that the incomprehensible forces of
nature, under the guiding hand of God, have hollowed out that amaz-
ing chasm now blooming with beauty. Like those giant walls may the
strong barriers of our National Constitution, the result of the struggles
and prayers of many generations, continue to surround and protect our
nation in a land wonderfully prepared for us in the slow movements of
ages ; and as the fertilizing rivers transport the varied soil of the moun-
tains, may the sand washed down upon us from the later upheavings of
Europe eventually be clad with the verdure and flowers of spring !

The long religious struggles in Europe, which so largely led the
way to the founding of the English Colonies in America, also developed
in them the germ of political liberty. When the Puritan sought in a

194 THE CONTINENTAL CONGRESS BEFORE THE DECLARATION

distant land the right of worshipping God as his conscience dictated,
he was asserting the same right to freedom which led his kinsmen in
England to take up arms against the tyrannical Charles L, and, after the
short relapse of the Restoration, brought about the memorable revolu-
tion of 1689, and the final overthrow of the faithless house of Stuart,
with all the surprising development of liberty which followed those
remarkable events. But in England the sentiment of loyalty to a mon-
archical form of government was constantly cherished by recollections
of the severe social restraints of the republican rule, and by the pres-
ence and all-corrupting power of the Court. The patriots who sought
refuge beyond the Atlantic, and strove to uphold the right of self-gov-
ernment among the wildernesses of New England, always retained
traces of the struggles which had preceded their departure from the
mother country. The charter that Roger Williams obtained for Rhode
Island, and those that Massachusetts and Connecticut also received
from the Crown, with the privilege of electing their own governors,
accustomed the people to a large measure of freedom ; and while
staunch in their loyalty to the throne, they, as well as the Colonies with
royal governors, became used to self-government in a remarkable
degree. With regard to the sturdy inhabitants of New York, the
example of their ancestors in Holland in their long struggle for liberty
inspired similar feelings, which were not lessened by the English con-
quest of New Amsterdam. The necessity of a common defence against
the Indians early knit together the New England Colonies, and the
arduous and gallant service they rendered to the Crown in the French
war increased the habit of acting in unison on important occasions.

While the Colonies were comparatively unimportant, they excited no
jealousy in the mother country ; but as soon as their wealth and com-
merce began to increase, their resolute, self-reliant spirit attracted the
attention of the British King; and after the conquest of Canada, and
the establishment there of a more direct government by the Crown, it was
determined to modify the former kind treatment of the older Colonies,
George III. apparently believing that by strengthening his authority
in America he would lead the way to increasing his power in England.
The unhappy example of Charles I. and James II. in attempting to
accustom their subjects to a tyrannical use of troops in Ireland, prepar-
atory to subverting the Constitution in England, and the fatal conse-
quences which followed these and other arbitrary acts of those Kings,
seem to have been lost upon the third George, who pursued a similar
course toward America with equally serious results to monarchical rule

THE CONTINENTAL CONGRESS BEFORE THE DECLARATION 195

in one important part of his dominions. His subsequent insanity has
partially thrown a veil over his essay at despotism, and, unlike Charles
I., his Parliament aided him in oppressing- their distant fellow-subjects.
While the attempt to enforce the Navigation Act in 1 761 called forth
the eloquence of James Otis in Boston, on account of the arbitrary use
of Writs of Assistance ; and was followed by the Act of 1764, declaring
the right to tax the Colonies, it is well known that the infamous Stamp
Act of 1765 was the first decided step toward the attempted overthrow of
the liberties of America. As this measure involved the right of the Brit-
ish Parliament to tax the Colonies while unrepresented in the House of
Commons, and was accompanied by an act authorizing the quartering of
troops, these unpopular enactments soon aroused the resistance of the
Americans, and led to the assembling of the celebrated Congress of
1765 at New York (called by the Massachusetts Legislature at the
instance of James Otis), and awakened such a display of opposition that
the Royal Government caused the repeal of their arbitrary plan of tax-
ation. While Virginia led the way in passing the five famous resolutions
offered by Patrick Henry against the Stamp Act, Rhode Island in
adopting them added a bolder one, which was almost equivalent to a
declaration of independence ; and while the Governors of all the Colo-
nies but one took the oath to enforce the odious Stamp Act, " Samuel
Ward, the Governor of Rhode Island, stood alone in his patriotic
refusal," as recorded by the historians Bancroft and Arnold.

In 1766 Governor Ward wrote to his son : " These Colonies are des-
tined to an early independence, and you will live to see my words veri-
fied." Parties were divided in Rhode Island as elsewhere, and Gov-
ernor Ward led the war party which carried Rhode Island into the
Revolution. In New York the opposition to the Stamp Act caused the
organization of the Sons of Liberty, who were very active in promoting
the establishment of Committees of Correspondence between different
parts of the country. This celebrated association was formed in the
month succeeding the meeting of the Congress, and entered into an
agreement not to import any goods until the colonial grievances were
redressed.

In 1767 the unfriendly conduct of the British Parliament in im-
posing illegal duties on tea, glass, etc., imported into America, led to
extensive non-importation and non-consumption agreements, which
finally caused the repeal of all duties save those on tea; and the attempt
on the part of the East India Company to land cargoes in America in
December, 1773, led to the destruction of the tea in Boston harbor, and

I96 THE CONTINENTAL CONGRESS BEFORE THE DECLARATION

also at Annapolis, where a vessel with its cargo of tea was burned.
The East India tea ships were not even allowed to approach New York
and Philadelphia. All these proceedings increased the patriotic excite-
ment occasioned by the Boston " Massacre" of 1770 and other memor-
able occurrences.

Massachusetts has always justly claimed a large share of the interest
that is awakened by the history of the early days of the American
struggle for freedom. The closing of the port of Boston by Act of
Parliament, the annulling of her charter, the grievous oppression Massa-
chusetts suffered excited the sympathies of the other Colonies to such an
exalted degree that they cheerfully made her cause their own, feeling
that their interests were identical, and being roused to a high pitch of
righteous indignation by watching the rapid progress of events in
Boston, where the British Ministry appeared to be rehearsing a terrible
drama of slavery prepared for the American people. The condition of
Massachusetts might well arouse a deep feeling of sympathy in the other
Colonies. All felt that the overthrow of her charter was fraught with
consequences perilous to the liberties of all. We know how bravely
Samuel Adams led resistance in that Colony with his eminent cousin,
our second President. Great indeed and heroic are the memories that
are awakened by thoughts of the ardent movement of Massachusetts in
the cause of freedom. A spirit of united resistance to tyranny appeared
throughout the land. In Virginia, patriotism, encouraged by the exer-
tions of Jefferson and Lee, had found a voice in the burning eloquence of
Patrick Henry, whose glowing words have kindled the enthusiasm of many
a generation of readers since that day. The heroism of Rhode Island is
equally memorable. Accustomed to self-government, and asyetunassailed,
she threw everything into the scale of freedom, and grandly supported her
injured sister Colony. The patriotic conduct of the Rhode Islanders in
burningthe royal sloop "Liberty" in 1769, and the schooner " Gaspee "
three years later, for enforcing the unjust revenue laws, showed the spirit
of the people. The same spirit animated New York, Connecticut and the
other Colonies, save that Rhode Island's statesmen, being used to a
large measure of freedom, saw that the steps now taken led to the
establishment of an independent empire. " Ward, of Rhode Island,"
says Bancroft, " regarded America as the rising power that was to light
all the nations of the earth to freedom."

In March, 1773, Virginia, followed by Rhode Island, led the way in
establishing the celebrated committees of inter-colonial correspondence
between the Legislatures of the different Colonies. Soon after the

THE CONTINENTAL CONGRESS BEFORE THE DECLARATION 197

destruction of the tea in Boston Harbor, on the 31st of December, 1773,
Samuel Ward wrote from Westerly, Rhode Island, urging the appoint-
ment of committees of correspondence and inquiry in the various towns
of that Colony. Such measures contributed powerfully to the slow, but
irresistible march of the Revolution. Governor Ward wrote as follows :
"As Liberty under God is the parent of wisdom, virtue and happiness,
and the only security which mankind can have for the enjoyment of
those invaluable blessings, we have beheld with the deepest concern the
many unconstitutional, violent and unjust attacks which have been made
upon the liberties of America. Many of these attempts have been
defeated by the brave resistance of the Americans ; and the Colonies in
general have gloriously asserted their just rights and privileges, and
placed the justice of their cause in a light as clear as that of the merid-
ian sun. But the Administration, insensible of every humane, generous
and equitable sentiment, still continues its vile attempts to enslave us.
There is therefore the greatest necessity that a general, firm and invio-
lable Union and intercourse of all the Colonies, and of the several towns
in each Colony, should immediately take place, that the Ministry may be
effectually convinced that an opposition to their measures hath been
made, not by a few interested, designing or factious persons, but by the
joint concurrence of people of all ranks in the several Colonies. To put
this matter beyond a doubt, and convince the world that America is
firmly united, and resolved never to give up their liberties but with their
lives and fortunes, we think a matter of the greatest importance. We
are sensible that the appointment of committees of correspondence by
the several Governments will have a most happy tendency in this
respect. But we think something further necessary, and can think of
nothing so effectual as the calling town-meetings in every town in the
several Colonies, in order to publish to the world their sentiments upon
the present alarming situation of affairs, particularly their detesta-
tion of, and determination to oppose to the last extremity, the base
attempts made by the East India Company to establish tea-factors and
tax-gatherers amongst us ; and to declare the firm resolution of every
town to support each other, and especially our most worthy brethren in
Boston, who have so nobly sustained and defeated every ministerial
attempt upon their liberties; and also to manifest our unalterable reso-
lution to live Freemen, or die gloriously in defence of our liberties.
* * * We have only to add that the crisis, the important crisis, which
must determine whether the inhabitants of this vast continent shall be
the greatest and most happy people in the universe, or a race of vile,

I98 THE CONTINENTAL CONGRESS BEFORE THE DECLARATION

miserable, unhappy, wretched slaves, appears to us to be now come.
* * * Let us then stand firm, and whatsoever our hands find to do in
this glorious cause do it with all our might ! May that God who deliv-
ered our Fathers from the cruel hands of oppression and persecution,
and preserved them amidst all the dangers and distress attending their
settlement in a wilderness destitute of every necessary of life, and
inhabited by numerous tribes of fierce savages, give us wisdom and
virtue to defend those liberties they so gloriously purchased and trans-
mitted to us, and to establish our just rights and privileges upon a
foundation which shall last as long as the sun and moon endure ! "

It was soon perceived that another Congress must be summoned.
The City of New York enjoys the honor of being the place where the
Congress of 1765 assembled to protest against the Stamp Act, and the
elder Robert R. Livingston and Francis Lewis of our Colony were prom-
inent members of that body. But nine Colonies, however, were repre-
sented on that important occasion, which proved the memorable first step
toward a union of the Colonies. The immortal Continental Congress of
1774 was called together with a distinct purpose in that direction, and
New York and Rhode Island are proud of suggesting this renowned
assemblage. The Sons of Liberty in New York recommended a Gen-
eral Congress early in May, (the last proceeding of importance before
their dissolution,) and seem to have acted separately from the freemen of
Providence. A town meeting in Providence on the 17th of May, 1774,
without knowledge of the New York proceedings, (" unsolicited from
abroad," says Bancroft,) proposed a General Congress of all the Colo-
nies ; and on the 15th of June the Rhode Island Legislature chose
Samuel Ward and Stephen Hopkins as delegates to the Continental
Congress that subsequently met in Philadelphia, they being the first del-
egates appointed from any Colony.

The gathering together of the remarkable men that formed the first
Continental Congress was accomplished in the primitive manner of the
times. Journeys then were ordinarily performed on horseback, accom-
panied by a body-servant similarly mounted. The diaries of John Adams
and Governor Ward describe their travelling generally in this manner.
When Governor Ward was about to leave his home in Westerly, R. I.,
to attend the session of the first Congress at Philadelphia, while his horse
and that of his faithful servant, Cudjoe, stood saddled at the door, he
called his household about him, and kneeling in the midst of them,
invoked the Divine aid and blessing upon the great cause of liberty in
which he was engaged, offering himself, his means and his family to the

THE CONTINENTAL CONGRESS BEFORE THE DECLARATION 199

cause of his country ; and having thus committed the issue to
Providence, went cheerfully to perforin his solemn duty.

John Adams' diary is full of amusing and interesting details of his
journey from Boston to Philadelphia. He mentions the earnest and
enthusiastic manner of the reception of the Massachusetts delegates
when passing though Connecticut — that noble Colony soon to be widely
known as the land of Jonathan Trumbull, Israel Putnam and Roger Sher-
man. He was favorably impressed with the appearance of New York. He
speaks of the city's being well built, covering less ground than Boston ;
" the streets," however, ''being vastly more regular and elegant," "and
the houses more grand as well as neat. He was informed that the
politics of the Colony were swayed by two families, the Livingstons and
Delancys. He gives graphic details of the wealth and luxury prevailing
among the merchants of Philadelphia, and describes their elaborate
banquets. Governor Ward's diary is much more condensed, but it
preserves many valuable details of the proceedings of the Congress ; and
in his admirable letters, he gives a vivid illustration of the lofty patriot-
ism animating the leaders of that memorable period. His first thought
and prayer were for his country. John Adams' reports of the debates
of the Continental Congress, while very incomplete, are extremely
valuable, and show how freely and in what a practical spirit measures
were discussed.

When that remarkable body of patriots first met at Philadelphia, in
September, 1774, the persistent oppression of the mother-country had
already weakened the feeling of allegiance to the throne, and a few far-
seeing men were dreaming of a glorious future in store for the United Colo-
nies. The delegates who first reached Philadelphia visited each other for
the purpose of exchanging views, until a sufficient number had arrived ;
when they met at the New Tavern, on the 5th of September; went to
Carpenters' Hall, and liking the place, agreed to hold the Congress there.
The Hon. Peyton Randolph, having been the Speaker of the Virginia
House of Burgesses, and therefore well accustomed to presiding, was
chosen President, and Mr. Charles Thompson, not a delegate, but a
Philadelphia gentleman of great patriotism and merit, was made
Secretary.

It was a noble gathering that assembled in Carpenters' Hall that day.
There were Washington, Patrick Henry and others, from Virginia ; the
two Adamses from Massachusetts ; John Jay and Philip Livingston from
New York ; the two Rutledges and Gadsden from South Carolina ;
Roger Sherman from Connecticut ; and Stephen Hopkins and Samuel

200 THE CONTINENTAL CONGRESS BEFORE THE DECLARATION

Ward from Rhode Island ; besides many others well known to fame.
The Father of his Country came from Virginia with a reputation for
talent, probity and military knowledge, and a modest unconsciousness of
the brilliant career awaiting him. Patrick Henry, who had electrified
the Virginia Assembly with his eloquence, was about to pour it forth
again during this memorable Congress. The two Rutledges displayed
marked legal ability. Samuel Adams and Governor Ward were
animated with a profound, burning patriotism, and with Richard Henry
Lee, who arrived the following day from Virginia, labored steadfastly
and earnestly in the silent advance toward Independence.

The Colony of New York sent some excellent representatives and
others of unequal merit. The New York delegation were principally
chosen by the City and County of New York, and the members thus
elected — James Duane, John Jay, Philip Livingston, Isaac Low and John
Alsop — were adopted by Westchester, Duchess and Albany Counties as
their representatives; the County of Suffolk electing Colonel William
Floyd as their delegate ; Orange County subsequently choosing Henry
Wisner and John Herring, and Kings County sending Simon Boerum.
The idea prevailing in this delegation from our City and State was to
propose a Confederation of the Colonies, to be directly connected with
the British throne, and probably intended to enjoy a greater degree of
practical independence even than the present Dominion of Canada. All
the Congress agreed in the necessity of respectfully remonstrating with
the King on the arbitrary conduct of his Ministers, while taking such
bold steps as showed their fixed determination to preserve their liber-
ties. The question immediately arose as to the relative importance of
the different Colonies in voting. Patrick Henry made his celebrated
speech on the necessity of basing representation on numbers, saying :
" Government is dissolved. Fleets and armies and the present state of
things show that government is dissolved. Where are your landmarks,
your boundaries of colonies? We are in a state of nature, sir! It is
known in my province that some other Colonies are not so numerous or
rich as they are. I am for giving all the satisfaction in my power. The
distinctions between Virginians, Pennsylvanians, New Yorkers and
New Englanders are no more. I am not a Virginian, but an American.
Slaves are to be thrown out of the question, and if the freemen can be
represented according to their numbers, I am satisfied." Governor
Ward of Rhode Island took his stand for the equal voice of each Colony
in the important deliberations before them. The historian Bancroft
quotes his words as follows : " Every Colony should have an equal vote.

THE CONTINENTAL CONGRESS BEFORE THE DECLARATION 201

The counties of Virginia are unequal in point of wealth and numbers,
yet each has a right to send two members to its Legislature. We come
if necessary to make a sacrifice of our all, and by such a sacrifice the
weakest will suffer as much as the greatest." As the Congress possessed
no proper materials for ascertaining the importance of each Colony, the
question was settled as thus proposed, and each Colony cast one vote.
" About two o'clock on the sixth of September," writes Governor
Ward, " an account arrived of the troops and fleets cannonading the
town of Boston, which occasioned an adjournment to five o'clock P. M."
This was founded on General Gage's removing the powder belonging
to the province of Massachusetts that was stored at Cambridge. In
reality no blood was spilt, but the rumor aroused the country. Gov-
ernor Ward wrote to his family from Philadelphia, saying : " A noble
ardor prevailed here. We proposed turning the Congress into a Coun-
cil of War, (had the news been confirmed, which was much doubted,)
and some had thoughts of removing to Rhode Island that we might be on
hand to give any necessary advice." He writes in his diary the follow-
ing day, the 7th : " Mr. Duche read prayers and lessons, and concluded
with one of the most sublime, catholic, well-adapted prayers I ever
heard." John Adams, in a letter to his wife, says: "Mr. Duche
appeared with his clerk and in his pontificals, and read several prayers
in the established form, and then read the collect for the seventh day of
September, which was the thirty-fifth Psalm. You must remember this
was the next morning after we heard the horrible rumor of the cannonade
of Boston. I never saw a greater effect upon an audience. It seemed
as if Heaven had ordained that Psalm to be read on that morning.
After this Mr. Duche, unexpectedly to everybody, struck out into an
extemporary prayer, which filled the bosom of every man present. I
must confess I never heard a better prayer, or one so well pronounced.
Episcopalian as he is, Dr. Cooper himself never prayed with such fer-
vor, such ardor, such earnestness and pathos, and in language so elegant
and sublime, for America, for the Congress, for the Province of Massa-
chusetts, and especially the town of Boston. It has had an excellent
effect upon everybody here." Governor Ward writes of the business
accomplished the same day as follows : "A Committee of two from each
Colony was appointed to prepare a statement of the rights of the Colo-
nists, the infringements of those rights, and the means of redress. A
Committee to report what Acts of Parliament affect the trade of the
Colonies."

The Committees met the following day, and John Adams gives an

202 THE CONTINENTAL CONGRESS BEFORE THE DECLARATION

interesting account of the debates in the great " Committee for stating
rights, grievances and means of redress." Colonel Lee, of Virginia, said :
" The rights are built on a fourfold foundation ; on nature, on the British
Constitution, on charters, and on immemorial usage. The Navigation
Act — a capital violation." Mr. Jay, of New York, remarked : " It is
necessary to recur to the law of nature and the British Constitution to
ascertain our rights. The Constitution of Great Britain will not apply
to some of the charter rights. A mother-country surcharged with
inhabitants, they have a right to emigrate. It may be said, if we leave
our country we cannot leave our allegiance. But there is no allegiance
without protection, and emigrants have a right to erect what govern-
ment they please." Mr. Rutledge, of South Carolina, said : " Emigrants
would not have a right to set up what constitution they please. A
subject could not alienate his allegiance." Colonel Lee, of Virginia,
replied : " Can't see why Ave should not lay our rights upon the
broadest bottom, the ground of nature. Our ancestors found here no
government." Mr. Duane, of New York, remarked : " Upon the whole,
for grounding our rights on the laws and constitution of the country
from which we sprung, and charters, without recurring to the law of
nature ; because this will be a feeble support. Charters are compacts
between the Crown and the people, and I think on this foundation the
charter governments stand firm. England is governed by a limited
monarchy and free constitution. Privileges of Englishmen were inherent,
their birthright and inheritance, and [they] cannot be deprived of them
without their consent. Objection ; that <?//the rights of Englishmen will
make us independent. I hope a line may be drawn to obviate this
objection." Mr. Galloway, a delegate from Pennsylvania, who subse-
quently proved to be a royalist in disguise, spoke very strongly for the
rights of the Colonies, saying : " I have ever thought we might reduce
our rights to one — an exemption from all laws made by British Parliament
since the emigration of our ancestors. It follows, therefore, that all the acts
of Parliament made since are violations of our rights." This large
committee was at first composed of twenty-two members, representing
eleven Colonies, two being appointed from each. A week later two
delegates arrived from North Carolina, and were added to the great
committee, now numbering twenty-four, Georgia not being represented
in that Congress. This committee was of great importance, and, says
John Adams, met " every morning for many days successively, till it
became an object of jealousy to all the other members of Congress."
The President adjourned the Congress from day to day, from

THE CONTINENTAL CONGRESS BEFORE THE DECLARATION 203

the seventh instant until the twelfth, awaiting the action of the
committee, in compliance with a resolve of the seventh instant."

On the 9th of September Governor Ward writes to his family : u We
are as unanimous as I expected. Much the largest part of the province
is hearty in the cause of liberty. The Southern gentlemen have been
used to do no business in the afternoon, so that we rise about two or
three o'clock, and sit no more that day; and as we meet late in a morn-
ing, we shall sit a long while." The same day he wrote in his diary :
" The Committee met, agreed to found our rights upon the laws of
Nature, the principles of the English Constitution, and charters and
compacts; ordered a sub-committee to draw up a declaration of rights."
He mentions this sub-committee as sitting on the 10th, 12th and 13th,
and on the 12th says it "made some progress in stating the Rights."
John Adams, who was a member of this sub-committee, says: " After a
multitude of motions had been made, discussed, negatived, it seemed as
if we should never agree upon anything. Mr. John Rutledge of South
Carolina, one of the committee, addressing himself to me, was pleased
to say : ' Adams, we must agree upon something. You appear to be
as familiar with the subject as any of us, and I like your expressions,
' The necessity of the case,' and ' excluding all ideas of taxation, external
and internal.' I have a great opinion of that same idea of the necessity
of the case, and I am determined against all taxation for revenue.
Come, take the pen, and see if you can't produce something that will
unite us.' Some others of the committee seconding Mr. Rutledge, I
took," he continues, "a sheet of paper, and drew up an article. When
it was read, I believe not one of the committee was fully satisfied with
it, but they all soon acknowledged that there was no hope of hitting on
anything in which we could all agree with more satisfaction. All,
therefore, agreed to this, and upon this depended the union of the Colo-
nies. The sub-committee reported their draught to the grand commit-
tee, and another long debate ensued, especially on this article, and
various changes and modifications of it were attempted, but none
adopted." The Great Committee itself made a partial report to Con-
gress on the 22d. Governor Ward writes that day : " The Congress
met, made and ordered public a request to the merchants not to import,
and also to direct a delay of orders already sent, until the Congress
came to resolutions on that point. The Committee met afterwards."
On the 24th, Congress discussed the report of the committee, and
according to the official journal resolved, " That the Congress do confine
themselves at present to the consideration of such Rights as have been

204 THE CONTINENTAL CONGRESS BEFORE THE DECLARATION

infringed by Acts of the British Parliament since the year 1763, post-
poning the further consideration of the general state of American Rights
to a future day." The Congress, on the 28th of September, considered
Mr. Galloway's plan for a union between Great Britain and the Colo-
nies, writes Governor Ward, but ordered it to lie on the table. On the
1st of October, Congress resolved unanimously, "That a loyal address
to his Majesty be prepared, dutifully requesting the royal attention to
the grievances that alarm and distress his Majesty's faithful subjects in
North America, and entreating his Majesty's gracious interposition for
the removal of such grievances, thereby to restore between Great Brit-
ain and the Colonies that harmony so necessary to the happiness of the
British Empire, and so ardently desired by all America."

On the 6th, Governor Ward writes : " Received letters by express
from Boston, (from the Committee of Correspondence there,) laying
before us the distressed state of the town, and desiring advice." The
Boston Committee wrote : " That the entrenchments upon the Neck "
are "nearly completed; that cannon are mounted at the entrance of the
town ; that it is currently reported that fortifications are to be erected
on Corpse Hill, Bacon Hill, Fort Hill, etc. ; that the fortifications, with
the ships in the harbor, may absolutely command every avenue to the
town, both by sea and land ; " * * * " that from several circum-
stances there is reason to apprehend that Boston is to be made and kept
a garrisoned town ; that from all they can hear from Britain, [the]
Administration is resolved to do all in their power to force them to a
submission ; that when the town is inclosed it is apprehended the inhab-
itants will be held as hostages for the submission of the country." The
following day, Congress appointed a committee to draft a letter to
General Gage, remonstrating with him upon raising fortifications around
Boston. The resolution directs mention to be made of the soldiers offer-
ing various insults to the people, which must irritate their minds, and if
not put a stop to, involve all America in the horrors of a civil war. On
the 10th, the committee reported the draught of a letter to General
Gage, which was ordered to be copied and signed by the President on
behalf of the Congress. The letter was read the following day as
adopted. On the 14th of October, the Congress adopted important dec-
larations and resolves ; those on " Rights " being reported from the
Great Committee, and drafted by John Adams; those on the "violation
of rights " being reported from a special committee, and drawn up by
John Sullivan of New Hampshire. " In adopting a declaration of
Rights," says Bancroft, " the division which had shown itself in the

THE CONTINENTAL CONGRESS BEFORE THE DECLARATION 205

committee was renewed. ' Here,' said Ward of Rhode Island, 'no Acts
of Parliament can bind. Giving up this point is yielding all.' Against
him spoke John Adams and Duane." On the 12th Governor Ward
wrote in his diary : " Considered the Bill of Rights. That relative to
Statutes, and that mentioning our Fathers not having forfeited by emi-
gration, I did not like." " Two years afterwards," says John Adams,
" these two Declarations " (of Rights and Violations of Rights) " were
recapitulated in the Declaration of Independence." On the 22d of Octo-
ber, Governor Ward sums up the proceedings of the Congress in a let-
ter to his son Samuel, (afterwards a Lieutenant-Colonel in the Revolu-
tionary Army,) as follows. He says : " We have formed a bill of rights,
a list of grievances, and for redress of those grievances agreed upon a
petition to the King, a non-importation, non-exportation and non-con-
sumption agreements, an address to the people of England, another to
those of America ; have stigmatized Bernard, Hutchinson, and other
wretches in Boston, and advised resistance and reprisals in case any
attempt should be made to seize and transport any person to England for
trial. Our proceedings are to be sent to all the Colonies and the West
Indies, to invite them to join us." Mr. Galloway's plan for a union
between Great Britain and the Colonies was finally dismissed by the
close vote of six Colonies to five. It was a very dangerous movement,
and all traces of it were expunged from the journal of the Congress.
Governor Ward mentions his voting against the plan. The same day,
in consequence of Peyton Randolph's indisposition, Henry Middleton
was chosen President. On the 26th of October, the Congress signed the
petition to the King, and dissolved the session. The American Commis-
sioners in England, of whom Dr. Benjamin Franklin was the leader,
were requested to present the petition to his Majesty.

The following January, when their petition and addresses, which
reached England in December, were brought before Parliament, the
Earl of Chatham rose in the House of Lords, and moved to address the
King for " immediate orders to remove the forces from the town of
Boston as soon as possible." He said : " My lords, the way must be
immediately opened for reconciliation ; it will soon be too late; an hour
now lost may produce years of calamity. This measure of recalling
the troops from Boston is preparatory to the restoration of your peace
and the establishment of your prosperity. When your lordships look at
the papers transmitted us from America, when you consider their decency,
firmness and wisdom, you cannot but respect their cause and wish to
make it your own. For myself, I must avow that in all my reading, — and

206 THE CONTINENTAL CONGRESS BEFORE THE DECLARATION

I have read Thucydides, and have studied and admired the master-states
of the world — for solidity of reason, force of sagacity and wisdom of
conclusion under a complication of difficult circumstances, no nation or
body of men can stand in preference to the general Congress at
Philadelphia. The histories of Greece and Rome give us nothing equal
to it, and all attempts to impose servitude upon such a mighty, continen-
tal nation must be vain." The influence of the Ministerial party proved
too powerful, and the Earl of Chatham's resolution was not adopted.
His praise of the Continental Congress was well deserved. What
do we not owe to those true-hearted patriots ! The practical com-
mon-sense they displayed is as remarkable as their unselfish, patri-
otic zeal. The members of that Congress were the leading men in
their respective Colonies, and accustomed to sway public opinion on a
comparatively limited, yet important theatre of action. They had
inherited all the broad feelings and thoughts of their English ancestors,
enlarging them still further by direct contact with nature on a grand
scale, and were in the habit of regarding themselves as rightfully equal
members of a great empire. The principle of equality in voting by Col-
onies, so early established, bore within it the germ of the American Sen-
ate, that balance wheel of our republican form of government. The first
session of the Continental Congress was a most important step toward
the foundation of our government. The wonderful endurance of our
republic, and the steadfast manner in which it has survived the shocks
of a century, are principally due to the circumstance of its being the
legitimate outgrowth of the colonial system. The men of the Revolution
had grown up accustomed to certain fixed ideas of local self-government,
and the happy preservation of these principles has largely caused the
surprising growth and prosperity of our great nation. The Federal gov-
ernment, so marvellously adapted to our position on this vast continent,
arises naturally out of the principle of colonial equality recognized in the
Continental Congress, and now preserved in the American Senate, with
the addition of the important factor of a House of Representatives based on
population, as Patrick Henry proposed ; while the President, during his
short term of office, truly represents our ancestors' English Kings, inas-
much as he wields more power than many an Emperor. Our forefathers
were devoted to the English throne, and nothing but the most arbitrary
attacks upon their liberties could have weakened their allegiance and
caused our happy deliverance from the thraldom of a Court. On the
other hand, the development of our Federal Union from the original
group of Colonies may be compared to the growth of the Indian banyan

THE CONTINENTAL CONGRESS BEFORE THE DECLARATION 207

tree, which shoots off branches in every direction that droop to the
earth, and taking root, become trees themselves, but retaining their
connection with the parent stem, rise in proud equality, forming stately
bowers that cover the land with their wonderful foliage ; one sap, one
life-blood vitalizing the gigantic, ever-growing structure overshadowing
the nations. When we remember the impetuous haste with which the
Southern States precipitated the clash of arms in 1861, as if feeling the
weakness of their cause, and anxious to commit their best men irretriev-
ably to its support, we cannot but admire the self-restraint of the
Congress of 1774. Confessedly the most remarkable array of statesmen
ever before assembled, and equally distinguished for deep religious
feeling, they were unwilling to invoke the God of battles until every
honorable means of reconciliation had been exhausted ; and while their
self-control was misinterpreted, they placed on record a noble example
for all succeeding ages.

The petition of the American Congress to the King requesting the
repeal of the obnoxious statutes, met with an unfavorable reception in
Parliament, owing to the great influence of the Court, and was finally
rejected. Dr. Franklin, who had been treated with great distinction
by the Earl of Chatham, now sailed for America to take part in the
impending struggle ; while the British Government resolved to reinforce
the troops in Boston, and to send General Howe to command the royal
forces. In New England, minute men prepared everywhere to respond
to the first call of wounded liberty. On the evening of the 18th of April,
1775, the British Governor of Massachusetts, General Gage, sent Lieu-
tenant-Colonel Smith and Major Pitcairn to seize the military stores at
Concord. We all know how Paul Revere and Samuel Prescott aroused
the minute men that night. The following morning the memorable
engagements at Lexington and Concord took place, followed by the
retreat of the British to Boston, sorely harassed by the minute men.
"" Here once the embattled farmers stood, and fired the shot heard round
the world," says Emerson of the battle of Concord; and truly the
consequences were most momentous. From the 19th of April, British
authority in America rapidly declined. The news of the bloodshed at
Lexington and Concord thrilled through the land and aroused the most
exalted outburst of patriotism. From every New England Colony
thronged the hardy yeomanry, eager to assist their Massachusetts
brethren. The British soldiers, retreating to Boston under an irregular
but deadly fire from the rural riflemen — who hastened from the neigh-
bouring farms and villages — soon found themselves besieged in Boston

208 THE CONTINENTAL CONGRESS BEFORE THE DECLARATION

by a hastily assembled army of patriots. General Nathanael Greene was
appointed by Rhode Island to command the brigade the Colony soon
raised — known at first as the Rhode Island Army of Observation — and
exerted himself to the utmost to thoroughly drill and discipline his
soldiers. His efforts were crowned with great success, and the brigade
became pre-eminent in the patriot army for high military training. In
Connecticut, General Putnam left the plough to hasten to the scene of
action, and New Hampshire sent her yeomanry. While Rhode Island
and Connecticut retained control of their troops, General Artemas
Ward, of Massachusetts, became gradually acknowledged as Commander-
in-Chief.

When the Congress of 1775 assembled at Philadelphia on the 10th of
May, the whole aspect of affairs had changed since the previous Con-
gress met. Then, many members cherished hopes of reconciliation, and
even now, when war-clouds were drifting madly across a hitherto com-
paratively calm sky, a number still hesitated, or hoped that a short con-
test would convince the British King that the colonies were in earnest
in defending their rights, and thus the appeal to arms would result in
the preservation of their liberties, while they still might remain mem-
bers of the British Empire. Viewing this in the light of subsequent
events, it seems strange that the previous year even Washington and
John Adams were opposed to separation; but a common language and
a common faith were powerful, though unconscious, agents in strength-
ening the many ties that had been maintained between the mother coun-
try and her distant children. The tenacity with which the present
British Colonies cling to the idea of remaining members of the mighty
empire that has so long controlled the commerce of the world, can alone
bring home to us the ancient feeling of loyalty that once prevailed in
the thirteen United Colonies. But those American statesmen who were
in advance of their countrymen saw that the last hope of reconciliation
vanished with the appeal to arms. Henceforth the two countries must
follow different destinies ; and when the smoke and flame of the long
and heroic struggle for freedom had been dispelled by the final recogni-
tion of our independence, it would be seen that it was wisely ordained,
and that it was for the advantage of both countries to separate. The
ties of commerce and of a common language would eventually remove
all traces of the long-cherished bitterness of feeling, and both England
and America meanwhile would be stimulated to the greatest exertions;
England by the desire to found new Colonies in the far East, in order to
recover her lost prestige and subject other realms to her control ; and

THE CONTINENTAL CONGRESS BEFORE THE DECLARATION 20O.

America by her zeal to maintain and establish the right to a proud posi-
tion among the nations of the earth, which she had won by her terrible
struggle. And how fortunate for America that at the outset of her
arduous contest, the Colonies had the wisdom to send their best repre-
sentatives, as before, to the Congress at Philadelphia. Virginia re-elected
Washington, Patrick Henry, Richard Henry Lee, and her other historic
representatives ; Massachusetts added John Hancock to her illustrious
roll of members ; the New York delegation was greatly strengthened:
in addition to the well-tried Philip Livingston, John Jay (the future
Chief Justice of the United States), James Duane, William Floyd and
the other three members of the Congress of 1774, now appeared Robert
R. Livingston, Jr. (afterwards Chancellor of the State), Francis Lewis,
Philip Schuyler (soon to be known as an able General,) and George Clin-
ton. Truly, the important Colony of New York was nobly represented
in the Continental Congress ! What associations cluster around those
honored names ! Dr. Benjamin Franklin appeared as one of the
delegates from Pennsylvania. The Rhode Island Assembly again sent
Governor Samuel Ward and Governor Stephen Hopkins as their
representatives. When unanimously re-electing them on their return
from the first Congress, the Assembly passed a vote of thanks for "the
wise, spirited and faithful discharge of the important trust reposed in
them." The members of the Continental Congress met like ambassadors
from separate friendly powers about to cast their fortunes in common.
As when their ancestors left the visible shores of old England, and crossed
the broad Atlantic to seek a refuge on the Western Continent, the Ameri-
can statesmen averted their gaze from the throne at Westminster, and
boldly guided the bark of the infant republic through the storms and
breakers of civil war to seek a sure haven and refuge for liberty ; not rear-
ing her beautiful temple on the shifting sands of constant revolutions, but
founding it on the granite rocks of Independence and Federal Union. The
impetuosity with which the New England people rushed to the battle-field
at the first call of wounded freedom, has remained a characteristic of the
American people to this day. From the New England hive, swarm after
swarm of hardy , active colonists has been thrown off, who, seeking the ever-
advancing western frontier of civilization, have built up the mighty West
as a counterpart, in many respects, of New England. And the resem-
blance was shown at the outbreak of our civil war. Then, the North
waited patiently, as their forefathers had done, until a fatal blow was
aimed at liberty ; and then, rising as one man, repeated on a larger scale
the memorable uprising of New England in 1775. In the early days of

210 THE CONTINENTAL CONGRESS BEFORE THE DECLARATION

the Revolution, Americans spoke especially of the inhabitants of their
respective Colonies as their countrymen. In the first outburst of patriotic
feeling, strange to say, the representatives of the Southern Colonies were
the most anxious to throw down the colonial boundaries, especially in
the organization of the army. Governor Ward, in his valuable letters,
speaks of this tendency as unwise, believing as he did in preserving the
happy balance between local authority and that of the Congress, which
has proved so important an element in our national prosperity. The
Southern representatives at first evinced a most foolish jealousy of New
England, and the wise choice of the most illustrious Southerner to
command the New England army before Boston had a most happy
influence in partly allaying this unfortunate feeling. Nearly every day
Congress resolved itself into a committee of the whole to take into
consideration the state of America, etc.; and Governor Ward, on such
occasions, was, with one exception, always called to the chair, from the 19th
of May, 1775, to the 13th of March, 1776, shortly before his death ; the
President, Hon. Peyton Randolph, first paying him this compliment, and
it being constantly renewed by his successor, John Hancock. Governor
Ward, from the time of the Stamp Act, had been in favor of Inde-
pendence, and had predicted it as a certainty. John Adams now argued
strongly in favor of this important step, but was much opposed by Mr.
John Dickinson, of Pennsylvania, who led the party that finally prevailed
on the Congress to prepare a second petition to the King. John Adams
attributes the loss of Charlestown, with the death of General Warren,
and the loss of Canada, to the effect on the Congress of the active, but
unwise exertions of this gentleman against Independence.

On the 13th of May, Dr. Lyman Hall, from the parish of St. John's,
Georgia, was admitted as a representative of that extensive parish. He
was the first delegate from Georgia, but did not represent the whole
Colony. On the 18th, Governor Ward mentions in his diary the news of
the taking of Ticonderoga. The cannon captured at this fortress and
Crown Point by Ethan Allen, Seth Warner and the Green Mountain
boys, were transported across the snow the following winter to Boston,
and were of infinite service on the Heights. On the 19th, John Han-
cock was chosen President, on Peyton Randolph's returning to Virginia.
John Adams, finding that the Southern members were strongly in favor
of electing George Washington as Commander-in-Chief, threw all his
influence in his favor, making a strong speech, in which he mentioned
him, not by name, but as " a gentleman from Virginia," (then present,)
" whose skill and experience as an officer, whose independent fortune,

THE CONTINENTAL CONGRESS BEFORE THE DECLARATION 211

great talents, and excellent, universal character would command the
approbation of all America, and unite the cordial exertions of all the
Colonies, better than any other person in the Union." The modest Vir-
ginian immediately retired to the library. John Adams mentions in a
letter that Washington attended the meetings in uniform. Finally, on
the 15th of June, according to the official journal, the Congress resolved
itself, as usual, into a Committee of the Whole, Governor Ward pre-
siding. After some time the President, John Hancock, resumed the
Chair, and Governor Ward reported the following memorable resolu-
tions : " Resolved, That a General be appointed to command the Conti-
nental forces raised, or to be raised, for the defence of American Lib-
erty. That five hundred dollars per month be allowed for the pay and
expenses of the General." "The Congress then proceeded to the choice
of a General by ballot, and George Washington, Esq., was unanimously
elected." Thomas Johnson of Maryland nominated him to this exalted
position, which Washington accepted the following day. When the
name of the Father of his Country is mentioned, all instinctively feel an
emotion of reverence. What do we not owe to that extraordinary man !
Extraordinary, not for any fitful brilliancy of genius, but for his remark-
able balance, resulting in the happy union of all the forces of his ele-
vated nature working toward unselfish, magnanimous ends. He was a
type of the noble characters that inaugurated the Revolution ; and how
fortunate in surviving to carry his glorious work to completion, and
receive with due modesty the grateful homage of his countrymen! The
success of the Revolution apparently turned upon the fortunate event
of the 15th of June, 1775. The Massachusetts General, acting in com-
mand of the forces besieging Boston, was unequal to the situation, while
the choice of George Washington aroused the army to an extraordinary
degree of enthusiasm, when they learned from personal observation
what a providential selection of a General had been made by the states-
men at Philadelphia.

" It gives me inexpressible pleasure," writes Governor Ward to his
son, " to find General Washington so universally acceptable to all the
troops. I was sure, from the intimate acquaintance I had with him, his
appointment would certainly be attended with the most happy conse-
quences." He writes to General Washington: "I most cheerfully
entered into a solemn engagement, upon your appointment, to support
you with my life and fortune, and shall most religiously, and with the
greatest pleasure, endeavor to discharge that duty." Washington's
journey to Boston was accompanied by demonstrations of respect and

212 THE CONTINENTAL CONGRESS BEFORE THE DECLARATION

enthusiasm. On the way he heard the news of the battle of Bunker
Hill, and the gallant conduct of the Americans under Colonel William
Prescott. It inspired him with renewed confidence in the ultimate suc-
cess of the struggle for liberty. Much remained for him to do in dis-
ciplining the army. General Greene had already made great progress
wi^i his men ; and Professor A. P. Peabody, in his Centennial oration,
(delivered at Cambridge, Massachusetts,) states that " only in the Rhode
Island regiments under General Greene did [Washington] discover
aught of military order, system, discipline and subordination." We all
know the fortunate results of Washington's generalship at Rox-
bury and Dorchester, culminating in the evacuation of Boston by the
British under General Howe. But a long and anxious period of eight
months was to roll away before that happy day came to crown the hero
with one of the first of his many laurels. John Adams' correspondence
with his wife, a woman of strong, good sense, tinged with romantic
feeling, shows the spirit of New England at that day, as her letters, like
the chorus in a Greek tragedy, reflect the emotions of the people as
mighty events were unfolded before them.

On the 1 8th of June, General Washington's commission was agreed
to in Congress, and Artemas Ward and Charles Lee were chosen
Major-Generals. The following day, Philip Schuyler and Israel
Putnam were raised to that rank, and Horatio Gates was made Adju-
tant-General. Governor Ward's letters to his son Samuel, (then a cap-
tain in General Greene's brigade in the army before Boston,) and to his
brother Henry, Secretary of State of Rhode Island, throw much light
on the movements of the period. On the 22d of June, he writes to the
latter : " Yesterday the famous Mr. Jefferson, a delegate from Virginia
in the room of Mr. Randolph, arrived. I have not been in company
with him yet. He looks like a very sensible, spirited, fine fellow, and
by the pamphlet which he wrote last summer he certainly is one.
* * * A resolution was passed this week, desiring that Connecticut
would send what forces they have (not already employed) to Boston as
soon as possible, and Rhode Island and New Hampshire to send all
they have raised also there. By the best accounts something of conse-
quence will soon be done there. Should we receive a check, all your
firmness will be necessary to keep up the spirits of the Colony, and I
doubt not but you will exert every nerve to do it. In no case whatever
can submission be thought of ; for slavery is worse than all the calami-
ties of war and death in any shape whatever. What innumerable losses
and distresses the Dutch suffered for years ! Their firmness at length

THE CONTINENTAL CONGRESS BEFORE THE DECLARATION 213

prevailed over all opposition. The same resolution will certainly
deliver us. * * * Since writing the above, we have an imperfect
account that our army has met with a check at Bunker's Hill. If it be
so, and should prove so considerable a one as to make it necessary to
raise new levies, your most strenuous efforts for that purpose I dare
say will not be wanting, and I hope may prove successful. The Con-
gress came to a resolution after the appointment of the Generalissmio
[George Washington] that they would stand by him with their lives
and fortunes. To retreat will be certain destruction, and tho' the road
through which we are to march is rugged, a fixed resolution will sur-
mount all difficulties, and land us in the beautiful, safe and happy regions
of liberty."

On the 23d of June, Governor Ward reported from the Committee
of the Whole the very important resolutions passed in favor of a Con-
tinental currency. This report was adopted by Congress, and had the
system been carried out on a moderate scale, it might have proved of at
least as much benefit as the legal-tender currency, to which we are
accustomed. Had all the early measures of the Congress of 1775 cor-
responded in wisdom with the appointment of Washington as Com-
mander-in-Chief, the long agony of the Revolution would apparently
have been materially shortened. While the new Continental currency
possessed a purchasing power, and the spirit of sacrifice for liberty still
wore the engaging hues of patriotic enthusiasm, was the time for earn-
est, rapid measures. But Mr. Dickinson's party held back the Congress
by contradictory resolutions.

From the 28th to the 30th of June, Congress was engaged in discus-
sing rules and regulations for the government of the army, which were
finally adopted. On the 5th of July, another petition to the King was
agreed upon, and the following day a declaration was adopted, setting
forth the causes and necessity for their taking up arms. This was to be
published by General Washington upon his arrival at the camp before
Boston. On the 8th, the petition to the King was signed by all the mem-
bers present. An address to the people of England was also prepared, and a
letter to the Lord Mayor of London ; all of these documents were ordered
to be sent by Mr. Richard Penn. On the 6th of July Governor Ward
writes to Captain Samuel Ward : " Your General [Washington] hath
arrived before this time, and I hope, established discipline and good order
in the camp before now. I did not mention your name to him, but shall do
it in a letter soon. He is worthy of every regard in the power of his
country to show him. A vessel hath just arrived which left London

214 THE CONTINENTAL CONGRESS BEFORE THE DECLARATION

24th May. The Lexington affair had not got home then. I hope the
army will unanimously consider that the cause they are engaged to
defend is the greatest and best that ever arms were taken up for, and
will fully answer their country's just expectations. The Congress are
taking measures for the support of the army, and for the defense of
the colonies : besides which, nothing proper for the common good will
be omitted, I hope. * * * You will soon have some companies of
riflemen from here ; they are already on their march ; and this day a
German, dressed in his hussar uniform, offered his services to some of the
Congress, and said he could get fifty men in three weeks. His arms
were a short carbine as horsemen usually carry, a pair of pistols and a
broadsword. I believe he will be countenanced." On the 20th of July,
Congress resolved, " that General Schuyler be empowered to dispose of
and employ all the troops in the New York department, in such
manner as he may think best, for the protection and defence of these
Colonies, the tribes of Indians in friendship and amity with us, and most
effectually to promote the general interest ; still pursuing, if in his power,
the former orders from this Congress, and subject to the future orders
of the Commander-in-Chief." On the 29th, Governor Ward writes to
his son as follows : " General Washington speaks very handsomely of the
army in general, and 1 doubt not, will soon have everything in the best
order. Colonel Warren, the President of the Provincial Congress [of
Massachusetts,] is appointed Paymaster-General of the army. Every
thing which the General [Washington] has asked of the Congress hath
been cheerfully done. You will soon receive a fine supply of powder, and
cloth for tents ; and nothing in the power of Congress will be wanting to
make the army happy. Colonel Nightingale and Mr. Russell arrived in
town yesterday from Baltimore, in Maryland. The military spirit and
ardor of that province, they say, is vastly high, and they are still higher
in Virginia." The same day Congress adopted a system of paying the
army, and established the quotas of money to be contributed by each
Colony. The following day Congress discussed an insidious resolve of
the British House of Commons, passed on the 20th of February, allow-
ing a suspension of colonial taxation, with the approval of the King and
Parliament, so long as a Colony made provision for the common defence,
etc., and submitted proposals to that effect. No relief was promised
from duties for the regulation of commerce. Congress declared this
resolution to be unreasonable, and refused to listen to any such proposi-
tion. On the 31st of July, Congress adjourned until the 5th of Septem-
ber, and the members returned home. A quorum was not obtained

THE CONTINENTAL CONGRESS BEFORE THE DECLARATION 21 5

until September 13th. In a letter to General Washington, written from
Philadelphia on the 17th of September, Governor Ward says: "I am
much obliged to you for the kind notice which you were pleased to take
of my son, and the favorable light in which you view him. * * *
With pleasure I observe that you have lately received some powder,
and expect some lead and arms from our colony. I hope the measures
taken by Congress and by the Colonies will furnish you with such quan-
tities as will allow the freest scope to your military plans and operations.
The innumerable difficulties which you must have encountered in the
command of an army under different establishments, in want of arms
and ammunition, regular supplies of provisions, a military chest, expe-
rienced officers, a due organization, and a hundred other things, I have
some, though not an adequate conception of; but, from the accounts
which I have the pleasure to receive from my friends in Congress, I
doubt not but your wise and steady attention to the service will sur-
mount all obstacles, and that by the opening of the next campaign you
will have the finest army under your command which ever was formed
in America. * * * The Congress began to do business last Wednes-
day, but many members are still absent. Col. Lee, Col. Harrison and
Mr. Jefferson, and the North Carolina delegates and some others have
not arrived. Mr. Randolph has been confined with a fever two or three
days. Messrs. Wythe and Lee are under inoculation, so that Col. Nel-
son alone attends from your Colony. We entered into the consideration
of your letters yesterday. * * * We have no news here from Eng-
land later than the 18th of July. By the King's answer to the petition
of the Lord Mayor, Aldermen and Commons of the City of London it
appears he is determined to pursue and enforce his measures. God be
thanked that however severe the contest may prove, we are now in such
a happy way that the end must be the establishment of American lib-
erty." On the 30th, Governor Ward writes to his brother Henry Ward :
11 The gentlemen of Georgia deserve the character I gave you of them ;
they are some of the highest sons of liberty I have seen, and are very
sensible and clever. Saving that unhappy jealousy of New England,
which some weak minds are possessed with, great unanimity prevails in
Congress. Our measures are spirited, and I believe we are now ready
to go every length to secure our liberties. John Adams' letter has
silenced all those who opposed every decisive measure. * * * That
the issue of this same contest will be the establishment of our liberties
I as firmly believe as I do my existence ; for I never can think that God
brought us into this wilderness to perish, or, what is worse, to become

2l6 THE CONTINENTAL CONGRESS BEFORE THE DECLARATION

slaves, but to make us a great and free people." Two of John Adams'
letters, containing very positive views, and criticising Mr. Dickinson
and others, not by name, had been intercepted and published by the
British. In his diary John Adams gives an interesting account of the
debates in Congress on the 23d of September, on the subject of appro-
priating five thousand pounds for the purchase of clothing for the army ;
and on the 4th of October he gives the more important debate on the
subject of modifying the non-importation and non-exportation agree-
ments, as these had begun to work disaster for the country. Mr.
Robert R. Livingston, of New York, took a prominent part in the
debate. On the 5th, Mr. Francis Lewis, also of New York, moved
" that it be recommended to the Council of Virginia that they take such
measures to secure themselves from the practices of Lord Dunmore, the
Governor, either by seizing his person, or otherwise, as they think proper."
On the 7th, Governor Ward mentions in his diary " that a committee
was appointed to consider the subject of fortifications ordered to be
erected on the Hudson river ; and that Gen. Wooster was ordered —
unless counter-ordered by Gen. Schuyler — to come down to the High-
lands, leave as many troops as the managers of the works think necessary,
and repair with the remainder to New York." It was of vital import-
ance to prevent the British from seizing the Hudson river, as was after-
wards attempted in Burgoyne's campaign. The result would have been
as momentous as the opening of the navigation of the Mississippi dur-
ing our civil war, for the colonies would have been cut in twain. On
the 3d of October, Governor Ward presented the instructions of the
Rhode Island Legislature for building an American fleet. John Adams
gives the debates on this proposition. It was violently opposed, and laid
on the table, but was finally adopted in December. Much of the month of
October was employed in discussing the state of trade. John Adams'
record of the debates ceases with the close of that month, to be resumed
the following February, and on the 9th of December he returned to
Massachusetts for six weeks or more.

On the nth of November, Governor Ward writes to his brother
Henry as follows : " I have seen one letter from a faithful and very
sensible friend in England, which gives us a most minute account of
affairs. ' The King/ says he, ' who out-does Lord Mansfield himself in
dissimulation and lust of power, is at the head of the violent measures
pursued and planning. Councils are frequently called, various conclusions
formed, but all agreeing in this, to make an absolute conquest of
America. The King hath himself prevailed upon Sir Jeffry Amherst to

THE CONTINENTAL CONGRESS BEFORE THE DECLARATION 2\J

come over next spring ; has engaged him a reinforcement of 20,000 men
— 2,000 of them Highlanders, 3,000 Roman Catholics, the remaining
15,000 to be Hanoverians and Hessians.' The people of New York have
moved, and are daily moving, their families and most valuable effects into
the country. A very strong fortification is building on the Highlands,
about forty-five miles above New York, which, it is said, will effectually
command the North River : two battalions are ordered by Congress to
be immediately raised in the Jerseys for the defence of that post and the
neighbouring coasts. In one word, all hopes of a speedy reconciliation
are given over, and we unanimously determine to push the war with
the greatest vigor."

At this period the Colony of Rhode Island was experiencing severe
trials, occasioned by its early and patriotic adherence to the cause of
Independence, as Captain Wallace, who commanded the British ships on
that coast, sent parties of marauders to lay waste the country already
menaced by the fleet, the shores lying naturally much exposed to a hostile
expedition. Governor Ward writes to his brother at that time: " I have
traced the progress of this unnatural war through burning towns,
devastation of the country, and every subsequent evil. I have realized,
with regard to myself, the bullet, the bayonet and the halter ; and compared
with the immense object I have in view, they are all less than nothing.
No man living, perhaps, is more fond of his children than I am, and I am
not so old as to be tired of life, and yet, as far as I can now judge, the
tenderest connections and the most important private concerns are very
minute objects. Heaven save my country, I was going to say, is my
first, my last, and almost my only prayer."

On the 2d of November he writes : " The evening before last, two ships
arrived from England. The advices which they bring (amongst which
is a proclamation for suppressing rebellion and sedition,) are of immense
service to us. Our councils have been hitherto too fluctuating; one day
measures for carrying on the war were adopted ; the next, nothing must be
done that would widen the unhappy breach between Great Britain and
the Colonies. As these different ideas have prevailed, our conduct has
been directed accordingly. Had we, at the opening of the Congress in
May, immediately taken proper measures for carrying on the war with
vigor, we might have been in possession of all Canada, undoubtedly, and
probably of Boston. Thank God, the happy day which I have long
wished for is at length arrived ; the Southern Colonies no longer entertain
jealousies of the northern ; they no longer look back to Great Britain ;
they are convinced that they have been pursuing a phantom, and that

218 THE CONTINENTAL CONGRESS BEFORE THE DECLARATION

their only safety is a vigorous, determined defence. One of the gentle-
men, who has been most sanguine for pacific measures, and very jealous
of the New England colonies, addressing me in the style of Brother Rebel,
told me he was now ready to join us heartily : ' We have got,' says he,
' a sufficient answer to our petition ; I want nothing more, but am ready
to declare ourselves independent, send ambassadors,' and much more
which prudence forbids me to commit to paper. Our resolutions will
henceforth be spirited, clear and decisive. May the Supreme Governor
of the universe direct and prosper them ! The pleasure which this
unanimity gives me is inexpressible. I consider it a sure presage of
victory. My anxiety is now at an end. I am no longer worried with
contradictory resolutions, but feel a calm, cheerful satisfaction in having
one great and just object in view, and the means of obtaining it certainly,
by the divine blessing, in our own hands."

During the autumn, the subject of re-enlisting and remodelling the
army occupied the attention of General Washington and of the Congress;
and it proved a question beset with many difficulties. General Greene
corresponded with Governor Ward on the subject. That distinguished
soldier was strongly in favor of a Declaration of Independence.

On the 1 2th of December, Governor Ward writes to his brother : " The
contest between the two countries involves a question of no less magni-
tude than the happiness or misery of millions, and when we extend
our views to future ages, we may say millions of millions. Our views,
therefore, ought to be extensive, our plans great, and our exertions ade-
quate to the immense object before us, and such, I doubt not, will be the
conduct of Congress." On the 8th of January, Governor Ward writes
to one of his family as follows : " The King's speech to Parliament
opened 27th October, is come to hand. He calls all rebels ; charges us
with endeavoring to amuse the nation by professions of affection for
them and loyalty to him, and meaning only to gain time to make our
preparations for a general revolt, in order to set up an independent
empire; says he has greatly augmented his naval and land forces;
determines to be decisive; has the offer of foreign assistance, if neces-
sary, and the strongest assurances that his operations in America will
not be interrupted by any foreign disturbances. Thus you see your
[father's] sentiments are confirmed, that the savage ever meant to make
himself an absolute, despotic tyrant. May the reward of his hands and
wicked heart be given him ! Every idea of peace is now over, and all
possible exertions are to be made for the common defence."

On the 31st of December, the American forces under Montgomery

THE CONTINENTAL CONGRESS BEFORE THE DECLARATION 219

and Arnold attacked the city of Quebec, under cover of a heavy snow
storm. The gallant Montgomery fell ; and on Arnold's being wounded,
the intrepid Christopher Greene led his detachment on, headed by Cap-
tain Morgan's company, the company commanded by Governor Ward's
son (Captain Samuel Ward) occupying about the centre of the forces.
These brave men carried the first barrier in the face of a fire of
artillery, and as Governor Ward writes: " They carried two barriers,
attacked the third, and fought gloriously with much superior forces,
under cover also, four hours. After being overpowered by num-
bers, they were compelled to surrender as prisoners of war, and
are very kindly treated. In Colonel Greene's detachment there were
one hundred and twenty killed and wounded, nearly half killed."
The tidings of this disaster reached Congress on the 17th of January,
1776, by dispatches from General Schuyler. On the 4th of March Gov-
ernor Ward writes : " The Congress is taking measures for the defence
of all parts of the continent. New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania,
the lower counties [Delaware] and Maryland are made a middle depart-
ment under General Schuyler; Virginia, North Carolina, South Caro-
lina and Georgia the Southern department under General Lee, who will
soon be detached there. A committee is appointed by Congress to con-
tract for the making of arms. This is a matter of immense importance.
General Lee is fortifying New York. The Captain of the enemy's ships
gave out that they would fire on the town. General Lee, in return, gave
out that if they did he would chain a hundred of their best friends
together, and the first house they set on fire should be their funeral
pile." General Howe evacuated Boston soon after this, and Washing-
ton entered the patriot city in triumph, having expelled the British by
seizing Dorchester Heights.

On the 26th of March, Governor Ward died of smallpox, after an ill-
ness of two weeks, aggravated by his severe overwork in Congress.
John Adams in his autobiography writes : " In this gentleman, who died
of the smallpox, we lost an honorable, a conscientious, a benevolent and
inflexible patriot." His physician (Dr. Young) wrote to Henry Ward,
Secretary of State of Rhode Island, on the subject, and says: " So full,
so firm, so capable, so industrious was Mr. Ward, that his loss will be
severely felt in the Congress. One at least of the mighty advocates for
American Independency is fallen in Mr. Ward, to the great grief of the
proto-patriot Adams." Congress attended the funeral as mourners, and
imposing solemnities were observed on the occasion. His native Col-
ony repealed the oath of allegiance in May, and in a little over three

220 THE CONTINENTAL CONGRESS BEFORE THE DECLARATION

months after his death Congress passed the immortal Declaration of
Independence, the foundation of our liberties, a declaration to be hal-
lowed by the blood of thousands during the long and terrible war that
followed this action of the Continental Congress.

O wondrous days of the American Revolution ! A spirit of the
purest patriotism inspired the people under the leadership of mighty
statesmen and warriors. Whatever sufferings were to be experienced,
whatever losses to be endured, were met in a noble, magnanimous manner
that has immortalized the Fathers of the nation. While we honor their
memories, let us follow their high-minded example, treasuring the recol-
lections of our own unparalleled contest to preserve a wonderful inherit-
ance, and then our career as a people will be assured ; for, like those true
patriots, we may prove worthy of Heaven's blessing on our renewed
national prosperity. But should our career be once more triumphant,
we must keep that example before us in our onward progress, nor lose
sight of those great deeds in the attractions of the present hour. The
traveller in distant Lombardy, entranced with the loveliness of Lake
Como and her sister lakes, whose transparent waters reflect the hues of
gorgeous sunsets in amazing beauty, might be tempted to linger forever
in the charming scene, a type of the delights of modern culture and
aesthetic improvement ; but he raises his eyes to the eternal Alps, and
there alone he traces the grander outlines of true sublimity. Like that
majestic chain stand the Fathers of the nation, a wonderful brotherhood,
and as the rising sun of memory illumines each bold outline and noble
feature, we bow in reverence, feeling that their mighty deeds and names
remain forever. Like the snowy Alps, robed in the pure mantle of our
veneration, they stretch boldly across the horizon of history — beacons
and watch-towers of fame and example for all succeeding ages. The
storms of the revolution beat wildly upon them, the lightnings of tyranny
flashed, and many a valiant hero fell, like the avalanche loosed from its
native crags. But immutable firmness prevailed over the storm, and the
stars of peace shone once more on the immortal leaders and their
heroic countrymen, equally patriotic, who may be likened to the lesser
ranges that unite the sublime past with the smiling plains of modern
prosperity; while, like the rosy sunset on the highest Alp, a peculiar
glory above his brethren irradiates the noble memory of Washington.

JOHN WARD

COL. PETER FORCE— THE AMERICAN ANNALIST

The War of Independence calling the husbandman from the plough,
the artizan from the workshop, and the student from his book, and inter-
rupting for eight years the regular action of civil life, left, at its close,
hundreds of penniless veterans uncertain whither to direct their steps,
or to what form of industry to apply the impaired and waning strength
which had survived the hardships of the camp and the dangers of the
battlefield. Long after the last roll of the drum had died away you
might have recognized, in the erect form and measured tread of the
farmer at the side of his oxen, the lessons which he had learned of
Steuben on the parade ground of Valley Forge or Morristown ; or in
the prompt, brief greeting of the landlord as he met you at the door of
some wayside inn, tones formed in the daily exercise of unquestioned
command. It was under the humble roof of one of these veterans,
William Force, and in a farm house not far from the Little Falls of the
Passaic, in Essex County, New Jersey, that Peter Force was born on the
26th of November, 1790. The maiden name of his mother was Sarah
Ferguson, and he was the second of her six children. Neither his
father nor his mother lived long enough to know how important that
event, which for the moment seemed to interest them alone, was to be-
come in the literary annals of their country. Peter's birthplace was not
destined to be his home. While he was yet an infant his parents
removed to New Paltz, in Ulster County, New York, and before he had
completed his fourth year, to New York city.

It was not in wealth and population alone that the New York of that
day differed from the New York of this, and by none was the difference
so keenly felt as by those who knew the importance of giving a good
education to their children. That admirable system which, beginning
with the Free School, leads with regular progression to the Free Col-
lege, had not yet been formed, and the parent's first duty was often too
great a burthen for his purse. The more expensive private schools
were beyond the reach of the retired soldier, and William Force was
compelled to content himself with sending his son to one of very mod-
erate pretensions, under the charge of Samuel Grantor. Plato tells us
that it cost Socrates much laborious examination of himself and of
others to discover why the Delphian oracle had called him wise, and the
discovery, briefly summed up, amounted only to this : that human

222 COL. PETER FORCE — THE AMERICAN ANNALIST

wisdom is a consciousness of ignorance. It cost Peter Force but a short
time to become convinced that whatever knowledge he might have
started with, he was adding nothing to it at school, and taking his des-
tiny into his own hands, he engaged himself as a journeyman in the
printing office of William A. Davis. It was a happy choice. The print-
ing press and the anvil have inspiring associations for the young Ameri-
can. Franklin was within seven months of the grave when Peter Force
first saw the light, but when the boy of twelve took the types in his
hand the thought of the part which those simple little instruments of
good and of evil had borne in the growth of Franklin's mind and for-
tunes, took possession of his own mind, and elevated and strengthened
it with a noble emulation. So rapid was his progress, and so remarka-
ble the development of his character, that before he was turned of six-
teen he was made sole director of the office.

Among the works which passed through his hands in those labor-
ious days was the second edition of the renowned " Diedrich Knick-
erbocker." Bloomingdale, where the office stood, was full of Dutch
associations ; Dutch names on the doors and the signs and the corners
of the streets, forcing themselves upon the attention of the observant
young printer in his daily passings to and fro. In one of his chapters,
Irving had inserted, somewhat, perhaps, at a venture, a few family names
of genuine Dutch euphony to round off a descriptive sentence, as a
painter throws in an additional figure, or a tree or two to preserve the
harmony of his composition. The young printer, whose historical in-
stincts were already beginning to work within him, thought that the
addition of two or three local names would heighten the verisimilitude
of the picture, and accordingly inserting them in the text, he sent the
proof to the author. Mr. Irving, upon whom a good thing was never
lost, wrote his approval in the margin, and the sonorous if not euphonious
patronymics have held their place with characteristic dignity in every
subsequent edition. It was not until many years afterwards, and when
far advanced in his " Life of Washington," that the master humorist
learnt that the guide on whose unerring accuracy he had so confidently
relied during a part of his labors in real history, was the journeyman
printer who had entered so heartily into the spirit of his imaginary
annals.

Meanwhile the direction which his teacher had failed to give to his
studies, was given to them with more force than mere preceptive teach-
ing would have given, by the evening circle that gathered around his
father's fireside. His father, as 1 have already said, had been a soldier

COL. PETER FORCE — THE AMERICAN ANNALIST 223

of the Revolution, and when he established himself in New York his
house became a favorite gathering place for his former companions in
arms. The conversation of those old soldiers naturally turned upon the
scenes in which they had been so long engaged, and many a striking
incident, many a characteristic action, many an adventure unknown to
the professed historian, was related during the long winter evenings,
and while the memory of the actors was still undisturbed by intervening
associations. " Why," said the thoughtful boy, as he listened to the
thrilling narrative, " why should things like these be forgotten ?" And
he resolved to write them in a book and call it " The Unwritten History
of the War in New Jersey." It was a labor of love, filling up every
leisure hour and training him for those habits of personal investigation
and cautious study of tradition, which proved so useful to him in his
subsequent career. But this mental discipline and the gratification of
his taste were the only fruit that he reaped from his labors. The manu-
script was lost when the work was already nearly completed.

While he was thus standing upon the threshold of the studies which
were to be the studies of his life, another war, the war of 18 12, came to
claim his attention in another form, as an actor, not as a recorder.
Faithful to the traditions of his family and obedient to the call of his
country, he entered General Ebenezer Stevens' division of detached
militia as a volunteer, and served through two campaigns of three
months each ; first as private, and then from the 6th of May, 18 12, as
sergeant, and in the following year as sergeant-major. The service, it
was true, was not severe, the first three months of duty having been
passed at the Narrows, and the second in the city ; but if " the cam-
paign of the Hampshire grenadiers was not useless to the historian of
the Roman Empire," neither were the practical lessons of the 115th
Regiment of the 10th Brigade lost upon the future author of the "Amer-
ican Archives." One of the greatest difficulties of the mere author lies
in forming — not lively, for imagination will give them — but accurate
conceptions of things he has never seen ; and there are few historians
who would not write a better narrative of a campaign after a month in
the field, or see more clearly into the workings of political machinery
after a term in the National or State Legislature. The forms of office
are a burthen, and routine contracts and enfeebles the mind ; but there is
a certain knowledge of them which is essential in order to enable us to
give them their proper place, and the ignorance which despises them is
more dangerous than even the undue reverence which makes itself their
slave.

224 C0L - PETER FORCE — THE AMERICAN ANNALIST

It would be an error, however, to attribute Peter Force's entrance
into active life solely to his desire of fitting himself for the study of his-
tory. A vigorous frame, an active temperament, a quick perception of
character, a keen appreciation of humor, combined with a rare strength
of purpose and energy of will, led him to regard the study of human
nature and that kind of excitement which is found in acting with men
and upon them, as a pleasure in itself. And the same inward admonition
which led him, when a boy of ten, to abandon the school in which he
was not learning what he knew he wanted, for a printing office in which
labor was to lead to independence, kept him through all his active years,
and in the midst of engrossing cares, keenly alive to all the duties of an
American citizen. His fitness for active life was recognized by all who
saw him in it. None knew him better than his brethren of the Typo-
graphical Society, and they chose him for their President at the age of
twenty-two. In 1815 he received from the Governor of the State the
commission of Ensign, and in 18 16 that of Lieutenant.

But now a new path was opened for him, a path which was to lead
him directly to the goal towards which his thoughts had constantly been
directed from the moment when he first heard the story of the Revolu-
tion from the lips of men who had seen what they told. His employer,
Mr. Davis, had obtained a contract for the printing of Congress, which
made it necessary for him to establish a printing office at the seat of
Government. One of his first steps was to secure the services of the
foreman who had conducted the business of the office in New York so
skilfully, and in fulfillment of this engagement Peter Force removed to
Washington.

In this new field he soon became known as a public-spirited, just-
minded, industrious citizen, who had the welfare of the community
at heart, and the honest ambition to do his duty as a member of
a commonwealth fully entitled to the best services of all her child-
ren. Continuing his military career he was commissioned by the
President of the United States, on the 21st of September, 1824, as Cap-
tain of Artillery in the Washington militia ; on the 26th of February,
1830, as Lieutenant-Colonel of the Militia of the District of Columbia;
on the 23d of December, 1840, as Colonel of Artillery, and in May, i860,
as Major-General in the same body ; offices of which he scrupulously
fulfilled the duties, [setting a luminous example, during a life filled
with other labors and checkered by many cares, of what the American
citizen owes to the military system of his country.

In civil life his services were equally faithful and far more laborious.

COL. PETER PT>RCE — THE AMERICAN ANNALIST 225

In June, 1822, he entered the City Council as Councilman, was soon
chosen President, and though absent when his term of service expired,
was re-elected. After several years' service in the Council he was raised
to the second branch of the Municipal Assembly as Alderman : became
President of this board also, and closed his municipal career by presid-
ing over the city government as Mayor from 1836 to 1840. And even
then, although he might, both from his advancing years and the absorb-
ing nature of his literary engagements, have claimed exemption from
other duties, he accepted what in his eyes was a place of labor and re-
sponsibility, an appointment as one of the inspectors of the Penitentiary,
and fulfilled its duties till near the end of his life with punctual assiduity.

I have entered into these details of his official career, not merely
because they serve to illustrate the character of the man, but because I
believe it to be good for us, as citizens of a republic, to dwell upon this
picture of a life in which public and private duties were so harmoni-
ously blended. It is a lesson which has its moral for us all, and more
especially for those of us who make the engrossing nature of our indi-
vidual pursuits a pretext for refusing to bear our part of the responsi-
bilities of freemen. Let us ponder it well, and we shall not only become
better citizens ourselves, but shall render our country still more worthy
of our love.

Meanwhile, and within four years after his removal to Washington,
he had taken the first decisive step in his literary career by the publica-
tion of the " National Calendar and Annals of the United States," a work
full of important material for the history of the organization of the central
government and of the material progress of the country year by year, and
which was continued annually from 1820 through 1836. In 1823 he estab-
lished the National Journal, in which he advocated the election and subse-
quently supported the administration of Mr. John Quincy Adams, but in
a style partaking rather of the candor of the historian than of the in-
justice of the political partizan. In his intense love of truth he shrank
from every form of misrepresentation. On one occasion his party was
so dissatisfied with his manner of narrating an incident which told some-
what more favorably than they would have wished for the opposite side,
that some of the leaders resolved to propose to him to accept the assist-
ance of a committee for conducting the political column of his paper.
Not venturing, however, to express their wishes directly, they sent a
member to sound him about it. Those of you who knew Peter Force,
who remember the firm bearing of his well-knit frame, the dignity of
his expansive forehead, the calm and thoughtful penetration of his clear,

226 COL. PETER FORCE — THE AMERICAN ANNALIST

grey eye, and the prompt decision that sat upon his lips, will easily con-
ceive how the embassador felt when that searching eye fell full upon
him, and from those compressed lips came in clear, emphatic tones, " I
do not suppose that any gentleman would make such a proposition to
me."

Meanwhile his great conception, " The American Archives," was
growing and maturing in his mind, and gradually assuming form and
substance and definite proportions. The germ lay in his " Unwritten
History of the War in New Jersey," to which he always loved to trace
his passion for historical research. But in his mind, as in all vigorous
and independent minds, the seed bore but a faint proportion to the fruit.
Revolving in thought the legendar}^ history of the Revolution as he had
received it from the lips of subordinate actors, he felt that the printed
story had lost half of its power by losing more than half of its reality.
As he listened to the narrative of what the narrator himself had seen
and done, and what most of the listeners had seen and done with him, he
felt that there is a kind of knowledge in history which can be obtained
only by looking, as it were, with the eyes of contemporaries, seeing
things as they saw them while the event was still uncertain, and learn-
ing to feel as they felt, while the decision was yet in suspense. The
truest history, therefore, would be a literal reproduction of past doubts
and discussions, of the acts of legislative assemblies, of the resolves of
popular meetings, of rumors gradually settling into facts or dying away
into silence, of characters unfolding and taking their definite form, and
events shaping themselves by degrees in accordance with that universal
law, which from the most varied and apparently disconnected elements
evolves an all-prevading unity of design and growth. To obtain this he
saw that it was necessary to let the past tell its own story, and in so far as
the general ideas which underlie all great events had been definitely
expressed, to give them in the words in which they were first uttered.
Three elements appear in the history of the Revolution — or to speak
with greater precision, three classes of actors, sometimes distinct, some-
times working in union, but always starting from the same point and
intending to move in the same direction — public assemblies, the army,
and the people. The public assemblies were, in England, the two
Houses of Parliament ; in America, Congress and the Provincial Assem-
blies, under their various names of General Court, General Assembly,
House of Burgesses, Provincial Congress, Committee of Safety, Town
meetings, and all the other appellations by which local usage has desig-
nated the organized instruments of the popular will. The record of their

COL. PETER FORCE — THE AMERICAN ANNALIST 227

discussions and acts forms a vital portion of the history of the period.
The history of the army is contained in the official reports and corres-
pondence of the officers, and in the private letters both of officers and
men. The opinions and sentiments of the people are to be gathered from
their votes at elections, from the greater or less readiness with which
they complied with the requisitions of Congress and the local assem-
blies, and in part from newspapers and pamphlets and letters. Going
back, therefore, and arranging these various materials, each in its proper
order and place, day by day, month by month, year by year, we repro-
duce the past and put it in the power of every reader to live through
past events as if he had been an actor in them.

It was in 1820 that this plan first presented itself to his mind in out-
line, and he devoted two years of meditation and study to the elabora-
tion of its details. Then applying it to the " Proceedings of the British
Parliament and of the Colonies in relation to the measures which occa-
sioned the first Continental Congress of the North American Colonies,
held in New York in October, 1765," — he published the result in the
Calendar for 1832. From such a specimen it was easy to see what a
firm basis American history would stand upon if it could all be illus-
trated with equal fullness of evidence and accurracy of arrangement.

This appeal to the country was followed in the same year by an appeal
to Congress, in which he unfolded his plan for the treatment of Ameri-
can history in six series, from the discovery and settlement of the North
American colonies to the final ratification of the Constitution in 1788.
It was a national work, and as such he claimed for it the support of the
nation. I shall not attempt to enter into the history of the discussion to
which his proposition gave rise, of the opposition which it encountered,
or the arguments by which that opposition was met. The limits of a
single discourse do not admit of such details; but the substance of
opposition may be given in a few words, and words unhappily not less
applicable in 1877 than in 1832. It arose from ignorance of the true
office of history, which rightly studied, unfolds the relations between
past and present, and shows how they are bound together in the indis-
soluble union of cause and effect. How dearly we have paid for that igno-
rance, the experience of the last eighteen years tells us in language that
cannot be mistaken. In 1775 Congress might have raised by the asking
an army of seventy thousand men for the war. The moment of enthus-
iasm was allowed to pass, and it was only by great efforts and extrav-
agant bounties that a body regularly decreasing from 46,000 to 13,000
was raised and held together from year to year. In two years the 70,000

228 COL. PETER FORCE — THE AMERICAN ANNALIST

would have been veterans, and what Washington might have done with
70,000 veterans may be conceived from what he did at Trenton with less
than 10,000, not half of whom were really veterans. Had the Congress of
1 861 accepted as soldiers for the war the thousands upon thousands who
entreated for acceptance, the Treasury would not have been drained for
bounties, nor the States embarrassed for recruits. Had the British
Ministry been convinced from the beginning of the contest that the
American people were soberly in earnest, they would never have carried
the contest to a second campaign. The knowledge that an army of
70,000 men had been raised for the war would have convinced them of
it. Had the leaders of the southern rebellion been convinced from the
first that the north was seriously in earnest, and the embodying of an
army of a million of men would have convinced them of it, how many
desolate hearths would still be lightened by familiar faces. The people
in our first national contest were unwilling to be taxed, and Congress
afraid to tax them ; repudiation and the loss of credit were the inevita-
ble consequence. You have but to open your daily paper to see how
imperfectly we have applied the lesson. Let the men to whom we
entrust the office of statesman weigh these facts, and they will see that
both for the saving of money and for the saving of blood, the statesman's
first duty should be the history of his country. There is need of Cham-
bers of Commerce and Boards of stockbrokers, and all the various forms
of corporations by which material industry guides and controls the
growth and wealth ; but Historical Societies have a duty and a responsi-
bility beyond them all.

It was with this truth profoundly impressed upon his heart that Peter
Force laid this plan of the American Archives before Congress. After
a long and searching discussion it was accepted, Government assuming
the expense, he the labor. At his own suggestion a clause was inserted
by which the materials for each volume were to be submitted to the
examination of the Secretary of State before they were sent to the
press.

The Secretary of State at that time was Mr. Livingston, a man who
had borne too large a part in the making of history not to feel its value.
Still, when the plan was first laid before him, he received it coldly, simply
promising to take it into consideration. Confident that if examined
it could not but commend itself to the approval of so intelligent a man,
Mr. Force left his papers, etc., and let a whole fortnight pass before he
returned to the Department. The moment that he entered he was told
that the Secretary wished to see him, and after a conversation of two

COL. PETER FORCE — THE AMERICAN ANNALIST 229

hours, in which the subject was discussed in all its bearings and from
every point of view, he had the satisfaction to be assured of the full
approval and hearty concurrence of that eminent statesman.

Before the publication began Mr. Livingston was sent to France, and
the Department of State passed into the hands of Mr. Forsyth, who, in
the Senate, had been one of the warmest opponents of the work ; even
going so far as to propose that it should be stopped after the prelimin-
ary labors had been begun, but not without making a fair compensation
to the author for the expenses which he had already incurred. " I
opposed you in the Senate, sir," were his first words to Mr. Force at his
first official interview, " and I still think you would have done well to
have accepted my proposition." " I think not," replied the author, with
that firm tone of earnest conviction which shakes the faith even of the
most persistent adversary. " Well, sir," resumed the new Secretary,
"it is now my duty, as head of this department, to examine the subject
anew. Have the goodness to leave me your papers." " I have exam-
ined your papers," was his salutation at their next meeting ; " it is a noble
enterprise. What can I do to help you? Would you not like to have
copies from the English archives? If you would, I will request our
Minister to apply for them immediately." He did apply, and although
the application was unsuccessful — for the English Government had not
yet thrown open its documentary treasures to the historical student as it
began to do a few years later — he continued throughout the whole of
his term of office to give the full weight of his official and personal
influence to what he had learned to look upon as one of the noblest
monuments of the administration with whose history his own name was
to be connected.

Mr. Force, as we have already seen, divided his subject into six series,
the fourth of which contained the first period of the War of the Revo-
lution. It was with this that he resolved to begin. No sooner was his
contract with Government completed than he commenced his studies in
the public offices of the original thirteen States. It was a laborious task ;
for the complete and accurate system of arrangement which makes ref-
erence so easy in some of them now, was not to be found in any of them
then. Files were heaped upon files without method or order ; bundles of
print and bundles of manuscript were found thrust in helpless confusion
into pigeon holes and corners, visited only by mice or protected, like Ma-
homet's cave, by the subtle web of the spider. Few of those to whom these
treasures were entrusted felt or comprehended the responsibility which
that trust imposed. When they saw the unwearied man poring day after

230 COL. PETER FORCE — THE AMERICAN ANNALIST

day over letter-books and old files and carefully untying the red tape which
had slumbered for half a century undusted and undisturbed, they thought
that he was wasting a great deal of precious time in a kind of industry that
was not much better than idleness. But, when gathering all the results
of his researches together, he told them that he wanted copies of them
all, they felt that except in the form of their hallucination, there was
very little difference between him and the Knight of La Mancha. If
Don Quixote took the barber for a knight, his ass for a dapple grey steed
and his bason for a golden helmet, did not Peter Force take these musty
papers for history ? And thus when he laid out some large pile to be
copied, and charged them earnestly to take heed that the copy was
exact in the minutest details, they gravely shook their heads.

" What ; copy all?" " Yes, all ; for when I get home I may find that
the paper you omit is the very paper that I need to fix a date or decide
upon a doubtful name. Copy all." " But I must correct the orthogra-
phy ?" " Not a single letter of it. I must see everything just as it came
from the pen of the writer." It was not easy to contend with the preju-
dice that springs from ignorance. But he persevered and overcame it.

At Washington a room was assigned him in the Department of State
in which his copyists could work without fear of interruption. As the
true nature of his enterprise became known, private collections were
thrown open to his inspection, and books and pamphlets and manuscripts
sent to him from all parts of the Union. And soon he had spread a net-
work from the Gulf of Mexico to the St. Lawrence ; had correspond-
ents in every town, agents in every State, copyists in every office, all
receiving their impulse from his will and their guidance from his
instructions. Omit nothing, alter nothing, was the law for all ; and thus
aiming throughout at completeness and accuracy, sparing no pains, hes-
itating at no expense and shrinking from no labor, he brought together
a mass of well arranged materials, which went as nigh as documents
can go towards making him a contemporary of the events which he had
undertaken to record.

It was from the collection of these materials that grew up that great
library which has recently become a part of the library of Congress ;
making it as the means of studying American history, the completest ot
all libraries. A small recess in a small room held for years the germ of
this vast collection. From time to time a volume was added to it, and
when they numbered fifty the recess was full. It was pleasant to stand
with him in after years, before that narrow opening in the wall, and hear
him tell how those fifty volumes had gradually expanded to sixty thou-

COL. PETER FORCE — THE AMERICAN ANNALIST 23 1

sand : and we may say of him as Gibbon said of himself, that no volume
was allowed to pass to its place on the shelf of whose contents a distinct
idea had not first passed into his mind. " More than once " I have heard
him say, " did I hesitate between a barrel of flour and a rare book ; but
the book," and his eye would gleam and his face lighten up with a sin-
gular mixture of enthusiasm and humor as he said it, " the book always
got the upper hand."

Libraries are solemn places for those who give themselves up to the
genius of the spot, and feel the centuries look down upon them from the
silent shelves, and to my mind no library was ever fuller of solemn thoughts
and ennobling inspirations than the library of Peter Force. There were
no ornaments there, neither statues nor pictures, nor the embellishment
of rich binding. The cases were of plain wood, the writing table ot
common pine, the two or three chairs equally plain. But the atmosphere
was fragrant with the memory of great thoughts, and hallowed voices
came whispering their appeal from every venerable tome. Washington
was there in pages written by his own hand. There were the two vol-
umes in which Greene had recorded, day by day, the eventful story of the
reconquest of the South. There, in twelve folios, were the original
reviews of the adventurous life of Paul Jones. There were maps of
marches made while the army was still on the road, and plans of battles
drawn before the earth had drunk in its tribute of blood. Ah! truly was
it a place wherein to tread reverently, and speak in whispers full of awe
and feel the heart throb with noble aspirations. For him it was the scene
of many pleasures and many pains of more than thirty years of labors
lightened by hope, and fourteen years of disappointment and care.

The sunshine came first, and let us dwell first upon it as it lingers
lovingly around his whitening locks and reverend brow. You all know
how rare many of the most important tracts relative to American his-
tory have become. There were upwards of thirty thousand of them on
his shelves, and selecting the rarest he published them at intervals, in
four quartos. " Whenever I found a little more money in my purse than
I absolutely needed," he once told me, " I published a volume of tracts."
How important the service which he thus rendered to our early history
was, every student of American history knows. Like the miscell-
aneous volumes of Muratori, the great illustrator of Italian history,
these were pleasant episodes in a laborious life.

It was a happy day for him when he began to select and arrange
the materials for the first volume of the " Archives." A happier still
when the last sheet came from the press. " We now submit to the peo-

232 COL. PETER FORCE — THE AMERICAN ANNALIST

pie of the United States," says the grave and dignified preface, " the
first fruits of our long and arduous labors. We offer the present volume
as a specimen of the manner in which our work will be accomplished.
The undertaking in which we have embarked is emphatically a national
one ; national in its scope and object, its end and aim."

This volume was published in December, 1838. A second followed
in October, 1839; a third in December, 1840; and by January, 1853, he
had covered the whole period from the 7th of March, 1774, to the 31st
of December, 1776, in nine closely printed folios.

The materials for the tenth volume were already selected and
arranged, and in compliance with the article which he himself had inserted
in his contract with Government, he carried them to the Secretary of
State for approval. But the day of appreciation and sympathy was
passed.

" I don't believe in your work, sir," said Mr. Marcy. " It is of no
use to anybody. I never read a page of it, and never expect to." " But
it is published, Mr. Secretary, in virtue of a contract with Government,
and that contract requires that the Secretary of State should examine it,
and if it conforms to the contract approve it. Here is the manuscript
of the tenth volume. I bring it for your approval. If there is anything
there which you think ought not to be there, have the goodness to point
it out to me." " You may leave the papers, sir."

The papers were left but not examined. Month after month passed.
Again and again he returned to the Department, but received no answer.
The Secretary had not yet found time to examine his manuscript. The
administration of Mr. Pierce ceased. The administration of Mr.
Buchanan began. A new Secretary, General Cass, filled the seat of Mr.
Marcy. The historian's hopes revived. Mr. Buchanan had favored the
work while Secretary of State. He will surely favor it as President.
General Cass professes to be the friend of literature. He must be a
friend to history. Well would it have been for Mr. Buchanan and his
advisors if they had consulted the pages of history more and trusted
the columns of party papers less. They would then have seen that great
truths cannot be evaded, that great principles cannot be defrauded of
their development.

To them also Mr. Force vainly appealed for justice. On the first day
of each civil year he addressed a new letter to the Secretary of State.
But no answer came. For seven years this moral torture lasted. Then
came the war of the rebellion, and he ceased to hope.

I have hurried over this melancholy story. It is one of those trag-

COL. PETER FORCE — THE AMERICAN ANNALIST 233

edies of which the biography of literature is so full : the tragedy of a
noble heart, a strong will, and a pure ambition contending against
ingratitude and selfishness and indifference to good. Ah ! if the story of
all those who have fallen by the wayside could be told, if every hour
devoted to those labors which enrich the world by preserving for the
instruction of the future the memory of the great thoughts and truths
and actions of the past could give up its secrets, what a record of suf-
fering and sorrow we should find there.

Never shall I forget Peter Force's part in the story as I heard it
from his own lips. It was towards the close of a day in June, and we
were sitting together in his library, he behind his writing table, I oppo-
site to him, the mysterious twilight falling with a tender glow upon his
massive head and gradually deepening into darkness as it touched the
walls. His table was covered with papers, and on another table close
by lay the manuscript of the tenth volume of the " Archives." Through
a half open window came the odor of the shrubs and flowers which he
daily tended with his own hand, and loved with a love second only to
that which he bore his books. It was then that he told me how his
thoughts had been drawn toward the history of his country. He called
back to that second life which a faithful memory and apt words give,
the evening circle of his father's fireside, traced the growth of his
historic sense, painted with contagious humor the scenes through which
he had passed in his search for documents, and with now and then a
smile, and still oftener an indescribable sadness upon his face, brought
his narrative down to the first prophetic interview with Mr. Marcy.
And then the sadness of his brow deepened, and his clear, grey eye
seemed to be looking out upon me from immeasurable depths of sorrow,
and as I listened I felt my heart sink within me, and the tears that had
refused their relief to his eyes came gushing irresistably from mine.

The rest of my story may soon be told. When he saw that he had
nothing further to hope for the " Archives," he began to grow anxious
about the final disposition of his library. Speculators had fixed their
unsy mpathizing eyes upon it and made him alluring offers. But he would
not permit the treasures which he had spent so many years in bringing
together to be scattered by the hammer of the auctioneer. At one time
it seemed probable that it would come to his own early home, and
become on the shelves of the New York Historical Society a part — and
by much the most precious part, of the literary wealth of New York.
But this hope was not realized, and the opportunity of giving to this
library a completeness which neither time nor money can ever give it

234 COL. PETER FORCE, THE AMERICAN ANNALIST

now, was suffered to pass unimproved. At length a negotiation was
opened with Congress, which ended in the purchase of it for the National
Library for one hundred thousand dollars.

The aim of life was now gone, the honor which he had won could
not be taken from him, but he could no longer hope to add to it. I have
been told that while his strength lasted he made a daily pilgrimage to
the rooms which had been set apart for the books in whose company
he had lived so long. I know that he found comfort in the reflection
that they would still bear his name, and that with their aid some more
favored student of American history might yet complete the work which
he had begun. His garden, too, he loved to the last, and long found
pleasure in walking with a faltering step through its narrow paths. 1
felt that I had never known him until I stood with him there under the
shade of the trees that he had planted, and saw with what an answering
smile he met the smile of every familiar flower. For it was in this that
the poetical element of his nature manifested itself: that element without
which no great and far-reaching purpose is ever accomplished. His
library and his garden were his two loves, or rather his two lives ; one
of them a communion with the dead through books and manuscripts,
whose pages he diligently turned by the dim light ot his library ; the
other, a daily contemplation of the ever renewed life of nature amid
flowers and trees and under the open sky. At last death came, neither
unexpected nor feared, preceded by a gradual decay of strength and a
few weeks of illness. The last living tidings that I had of him were in a
letter written at his direction on the ioth of January, 1868, to thank me for
a book which I had sent him, and say that he hoped to read it and thank
me for it with his own hand. But the task of that hand was over. It
had worked faithfully while the day lasted, and now the night was come
and it rested from its labors.

GEORGE W. GREENE

Note. — Col. Force died at Washington Jan. 23, 1868.

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

235

VISIT OF THE MOHAWKS TO
FORT PENOBSCOT, 1662

Communicated by B. Fernow, late Keeper of the
Archives of the State of New York.

A TRUE RELATION OF THE MAQUE COMING

TO PENOBSCOTT FORTT, AND WHAT

THAY DID, BY THOMAS GARDNER,

COMANDER OF THE SAME.

THE 5TH OF AUGUST,

1662.

The Last of Avril, one Thousand Sixe
hundred Sixty twoe, the Maques came
to Niagero howse belonging to the sayed
Fortt, & sent thre men befor them to
tell the English that the Maques their
frinds wear Coming, & desiered to trade
with them, but whilst they wear speak-
ing about two hundred & sixty men of
them had incompased the howse, pulling
downe the fence, entered into the sayed
howse, & filled it full of men, thear
being but fowar English men in the
howse (& then as the three men thay
sent) so now these desier trade with
the English & promis that thay would
do them no harme nor theyr goods or
Cattell, & gave vnto the Trade Master
fowar or five girdles of Peage, teling
him that thay weare theyr Asured frinds,
& after a fayer Trade for what thay de-
siered, contrary to theyr former prom-
ises compeled the Trade Master to go
downe the River with them. The thre
men then left in the howse, fearing to
Stay when theyr Master was Caried
Away in the Night, thought to have come
downe to the fortt to have Informed vs
of theyr Coming, but wear surprised by
the way by the Maques & kept thre dayes
prisoners.

The third of May Sixty two the sayed

Maquues Came to Penobscott fortt,
bring the above sayed fowar men, &
setting them vpon A Roke in the River,
it being in the twilight in the morning,
whilst thay them selves went & surprised
the Indians that wear vnder the Protek-
tion of the sayed fortt & near Com
ther to Trad, which wear to the Number
of one hundred men, women and Chil-
dren, & having ended theyr buisnes
about the Indianes in theyr surprisysall,
Thay Came & desiered Trade of vs as
thay had done above at the howse :
haveing before sent home our men thay
had taken prisoners : Thoug with great
discord About it Amongst them selves.

Now, although we well know thay had
broken the peace made the last yeare
at fortt Orange by the duches helpe, we
over looked the same, & Knowing that
we could not recover the prisoners thay
had taken, and that all our goods vp the
River was at theyr disposl, thought it
not fitt to ofend them Anye way, but to
preserve the sayed howse & Tradeing
goods, & therefore According to the Ma-
queses desier we Traded with them for
provition & goods in frindly maner, the
Maques Sagimors in the mene time
promising great frindship to vs, and
giveing us a present of Moose skines &
Peage, & we in requitall gave the Ma-
ques the Vallue in Cloth, Bread, &
pruines, Flower, Pease & Corne. Butt
in most fallse & Perfidious maner thay
no sooner went of the fortt in Pease but
killed ten of our Cattell that were in sight
of the fortt, and went vp the River
& Robed our of All in it to

the Value of 400 lbs. Builtt a strong
Fortt in a quarter of a mile of the sayed
howse & Taried ther A forttnight as we

236

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

suppose by what had pased before to
surprise our men when thay should come
vp to fetch our Goods.

This is a True relation by me.

Thomas Gardner.
Edward Naglor Trade
Master at the howse.

a copy of propotitiones made vnto
the maques, august the i: 1662, by

thomas gardner & nathaniell

Walker with the answers to

the same the day & time

above sayed at fortt

orange or fortt

The first Propotition made vnto the
Magues was wheather the English had
not allwayes bin theyr frinds which had
more espeshaly Apered in three pirticu-
lers — first, wheather that thes Thirty or
forty yeares past the English had not
bin theyr frinds not wronging them any
way. Secondly, theyr frindship had ap-
peared in Deniall the French a passage
through the English Country to fight
with the Maques.

Thirdly, it had Appeared in Labor-
ing to make A Pease for the Mowhoks
with the Northeren Indianes not help-
ing the Northeren Indianes, though the
Maques wares with them wear to the
Englishes great Lose.

The Maques or Mohoks Answer was:
it was true the English had so bin theyr
frinds as Above sayed.

The second Propotition made vnto
the Maques was why thay did then so
breake the Pease with the Northern In-
dianes that was made for them by the
English After the Indian was rune away
that came to make pease and that the

sayed Pease was made at the Englishes
Cost.

To this thay Answer, it was fals, theyr
was no pease made for the Indianes at
all, but the pease wase made with the
English, & that thay had good grounds
to war with the Northern Indianes, who
at two severall times had helped the
Canide Indianes ; that by theyr meanes
thay had lost near ioo men, and that
som of the Duch should tell them thay
might fall vpon the Northern Indianes
Notwithstanding the former Pease, the
Dutch in the meane time denieing the
same & Afirming, as by theyr Records
was made to Appeare, that theyr was an
absolute & firm Pease with the English
in behalfe of the Northern Indianes
made the last year hear at fortt Orange
at A Solemn meeting with the names of
Severall men to the same that wear Com-
manders at fortt Orange.

The third Propotition was why thay
did take the Northern Indianes under
the Protektion & Command of Penob-
scott fortt, it being Contrary to the form-
er pease, & Contrary to the Customs of
Nations & very Predgidishall to the
English.

To this Nothing is Answered butt as
Before thay wear ther Enymies & thay
had ocation so to doe.

The fourth propotition was why thay
did so falsly and Perfidiously Breake the
pease with the English at Neagero howse
& at Penobscott fortt most Solemnly
made, & giufts being both given by them
& requited by the English, yet Imeade-
atly that thay Killed the Englishes Cat-
tell & Robed the Above Sayed howse to
the value of 400 lb. sterling, & After-
wards thay Built a strong Fortt by Ne-

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

237

agero howse, tarieing ther a forttnight,
which we supose was for nothing else
but to surprise the English Coming for
ther goods.

An to this thay Answer it is true thay
Killed some Cattell, though not so many
as we say, it being dun by youths & be-
cause the Cattell did Run so wildly when
they ran after the other Indianes, & that
it was but a small mater that which thay
did vseually to the Duch, & for wrong
dun to the howse thay profered A pil of
Wampum, denieing ther was so much
goods as we sayed ther was, it likewise
being dune by youths, and if the Eng-
lish would not so be satisfied they could
not helpe it.

A 5th query was why thay did threttn
to Cutt of the English that live East-
ward in the fall of the year vnder the
Notion of french men.

An theyr Answer was: it was false;
thay did not so thretten the English, for
our men wear in theyr hands, & thay
had power to have killed them if thay
had bin french, but thay had Jealousies
we wear french it was true, & our bands
wear like french men's bands.

To A 6th query, which was wheather
thay would now Return the prisoners
that wear by them taken of the North-
ern Indianes, & give the Northern Indi-
anes Satisfaction for those thay had
Killed, it being Contrary to Articles of
Pease made the last year.

Theyr Answer was we should then
bring those men of theyrs the Northern
Indianes had killed both heartofore &
now of late, and that the Prisoners wear
given by them to theyr frinds who form-
er had lost theyr frinds by the wares.

These Above sayed things being thus

propounded & thus Answered, the Indi-
anes Brake of in A Snufe, and went &
told in the towne we wear no better then
Hogges, and that thay Cared not for
the English & if thay would not now
manifest theyr satisfaktion In thre
weaks time thay would set vpon the
out most plantations of Connitiqett &
burne them, & that thay would go ten or
12 men in a Company, fireing remote
howses and destroy what thay could.
These things being dun in the forenoone.
The Afternoone we meett Agayne, the
Duch Govornor haveing propounded
this to them in the morning: wheather
thay would Refrayne from fighting with
the Northern Indianes vntill the Spring
next year that some Northern Indianes
might be brought to make peace with
them; theyr Answer was thay would;
we considering of All things tooke hold
of this opertunity to prevent theyr pres-
ent Incautiones and to gayne time to
proceed farther with them. Therefore we
made them this 3 folde Reply: first, that
we had Considered of theyr Answers to
the former pirticulers & theyr Peage
profered in Satisfaktion, & that we
should one & the other to the Govorn-
ors in the Bay.

Secondly, we had Considered of theyr
resolution not to fight with the Northern
Indianes till some might Com to Con-
clude A peace. The which Resolution
we liked well, & therefore gave them A
parcell of Peage.

Thirdly, we told them it was our de-
sier thay should do theyr best to let us
have the prisoners thay had in hold, &
therefore to Incoridge them hearin we
gave them Another pil of Peage. The
Mohokes liked very well this present, &

238

REPRINTS

told vs thay would performe the first &
do theyr best to performe the last.

That this is A True relation we ar witt-
neses whose Names are vnder written.
Thomas Gardner.
Nath: Walker.

Vnto this Answer of the Maques the
Duch reply is farther, that likewise the
Maques sayed the English had betrayed
the Northern Indianes into theyr hands,
because thay had Killed ther Cattell, &
that the English brought them to the
fortt, which was a truth the Maques had
so sayed.

LA SALLE'S ACCOUNT OF THE
AMERICAN INDIANS.

Translated for the Magazine.

I learned in the month of June, 1672,
of the arrival in Paris of a gentleman by
the name of M. de la Salle, who had re-
turned from Canada after living there
many years, who was well known to the
late Mr. Gallinee, and greatly esteemed
by him, who was himself so estimable
because of his intelligence, his life, his
piety, his great knowledge of ecclesias-
tical affairs and his incredible skill in all
mechanical arts.

I found means to make the acquaint-
ance of this gentleman, and to have ten
or twelve conversations with him, the
most of them in company with several
very intelligent friends of mine, many of
whom were men of extraordinary mem-
ory. I wrote down at once and in detail
the things which I heard from his lips
that one would be most likely to forget,
such as dates and names, and after pre-
paring the following memoir I conferred
with those of the persons who listened

to him with me and in whom I placed
the greatest trust, and I have left noth-
ing standing of which I have not perfect
recollection, or which many of those
who heard him with me especially as-
sured me they well remembered.

While listening to the recital I studied
the personage. I lay great stress upon
the judgment I give of him on the opin-
ion that the late M. Gallinee expressed
of him to one of my friends, a man of
extraordinary merit. All of my friends
who have seen him find him to be very in-
telligent and of great good sense. He only
speaks of matters concerning which he
is questioned. He relates them in very few
and well considered words. He draws a
perfect distinction between whatheknows
with certainty and those things of which
he entertains some doubt. He confesses
without hesitation to ignorance of that
which he does not know, and although I
have heard him repeat the same things
five or six times, because of the presence
of some persons who had not before
heard them, I have always heard him re-
late them in the same manner. In a
word, I have never heard any person
speak whose words bore more marks of
truth.

He is thirty-three or thirty-four years
old. For twelve years he has been trav-
eling in North America, and his voyages
have extended from the 33d degree of
longitude to the 26th degree, and from
the 55th degree of latitude to the 30th.
This is what I learned from him con-
cerning the different countries, with which
he is most familiar, of the manners, of the
inhabitants, their origin, their history,
their language, their government, and of
the natural history, and the state of the

REPRINTS

239

Christian religion in these countries, and
also as to what happened to himself.

The customs of the people are the
same in the Continent of North America
as in the warm islands of America, al-
though these people have very different
languages.

They believe in the immortality of
souls as well those of beasts as of men.
Thus they believe that as men hunt
beasts while alive, so after their death
they shall hunt the souls of beasts.

They believe that they will be lucky
or unfortunate in their chase according
as they have been brave or cowardly in
this life, and firm or feeble under torture.

They all hold in respect the chief of
all spirits, whom they call the Master of
life, but they pay him no regular wor-
ship, except that they obey him in all
that is pointed out to them in their
dreams if it be not a crime, such as the
killing of one of their relatives or friends
or allies, or of the nations with whom they
are at peace, or other impossible thing.
In these cases they content themselves
with appeasing the Master of life by
feasting their friends, which they call
propitiating the Spirit of the Master of
life.

They believe that this Spirit is the
cause of all the good that happens to
them, and that he is incapable of doing
harm to any one, because, they say, he
hates no one.

They are firm in this belief, but they
do not find it at all strange that other
nations believe otherwise ; but as they
observe their customs inviolably and act
in precise accordance with their belief,
they find it ill that others do not live
in conformity with their own, and also

believe that those who live thus do not
believe in what they profess ; and thus
they are persuaded that chastity and
charity are not virtues among the French,
because they have heard it said by those
of their people who have visited the
French that there are public places for
debauch, and that there are in Paris per-
sons who have so much bread that they
are compelled to put it into the street,
their houses not being large enough to
contain it, and that there are other per-
sons who have so many clothes that their
houses are full to the very doors ; that
the one refuse bread to those who are
dying of hunger, and the others cloth-
ing to those who are entirely naked. A
Savage, hearing a sermon upon charity,
said to the missionary : "Why do you
preach to me the duty of charity since
I am already charitable and you are
not?"

All these nations, distant as they may
be one from the other, unknown the one
to the other, have the same respect for
the dead, the same care in their funeral
rites, the same continance as regards
their wives, the same love for their chil-
dren, their friends and those of their na-
tion, the same manner of assemblage
and warfare, the same moderation and
the same respect for one another, the
same hatred for their enemies, the same
cruelty for those they have taken pris-
oners in war, and the same patience in
the endurance of the most horrible tor-
ture when taken themselves. So that
what I am about to say of the Iroquois
may be understood of all the countries
and islands which I have referred to.

They never lose patience in the long-
est and most severe fatigue; they never

240

REPRINTS

fall into rage, not even when they are
beaten, believing that it is to their honor
not to appear to suffer even when suf-
fering, saying to those who strike them:
"You may go on if you choose; that is
very good, I thank you for it; you may
destroy me if you wish, etc.," and they
never revenge themselves for private
injuries upon those with whom they
are not at war, unless they have lost
their reason because of some dream in
which they are commanded to revenge
themselves, when they believe it to be
permitted to them. If any one of them
kill another, those of the family of the
murderer appease those of the family of
the slain by gifts, and if the dead man
be of another canton, those of the fam-
ily of this canton, the tribe of which
bears the same name as the tribe to
which the murderer belongs, join his
family in appeasing the offending family,
and their quarrel ordinarily ends thus.
But if it happens that the same murderer
commit another crime of the same na-
ture, the old men assemble, condemn
him to death and depute one of the
warriors present to kill him in a given
manner. The warrior seeks the crim-
inal, and having announced to him
his death sentence, the criminal con-
sents, and the other performs the exe-
cution.

They are great gamblers, and sometimes
rapidly lose all that they possess, some-
times even a thousand pounds of beaver,
but they never quarrel. Their game is
a kind of dice, with six balls parti col-
ored in two colors.

The women do not quarrel among
themselves any more than the men.
They perform the field labor ; never are

they heard to dispute concerning the
land limits assigned to them.

The men and the women never speak
two at the same time; all listen to the
speaker, even though he talk for an hour,
and content themselves with saying from
time to time : You say well. You are
right. That is true, and other words
similar, and for that they take time to
breathe, and they give these marks of
assent even to discourses which they
consider of no importance, whether they
agree or do not agree with them.

But in important meetings they dis-
pute without raising their voices or grow-
ing angry, and they interrupt even on
these occasions not with haste, but to
know what answer they may have to
make.

Thus M. de Frontenac, speaking at
too much length to some deputies on
several subjects upon which they had
reply to make, as they felt their memo-
ries sufficiently laden, they said to him:
" If you continue to talk we shall forget
all that you have already said to us."

They pay each other frequent visits,
and the visitor is received with all kinds
of amiabilities and civilities. They of-
fer him the best of everything they have
to eat, and he is obliged to taste it. Af-
ter which he talks if he wish to talk; if
he wish to sleep he sleeps; if he wish to
smoke he smokes, and though the smoke
of the tobacco incommode the master of
the house, he never shows it by any sign.

They notice each others faults; for
example, that such a one is a miser or a
braggart — that is, he pretends to be
braver than he is. They consider this
despicable, but they never rail or re-
proach him for it.

REPRINTS

2 4 I

Their doors are never so closed that
all those who choose to see them may
not enter in.

The poorest among them are held in
the greatest consideration. The more
honored a man is the more he prides
himself on giving away all that he has.
He assembles his neighbors when he re-
turns from the chase, and distributes all
that he has taken. They never, how-
ever, want for anything, because they
are continually giving to each other, and
their pride is to give more than they re-
ceive, even to those whom they know to
have given to them from interested mo-
tives. Thus, seeing a Savage

clothed in a very handsome beaver gar-
ment which he was desirous of possess-
ing, spoke to him and made him a pres-
ent. The Savage, though he had never
seen this Priest, was surprised, and asked
him why he made him this present; the
other replied that it was in friendship.
I thank you, said the Savage; then think-
ing over what he might give him in re-
turn, he asked the first person whom he
saw if his coat would be a fit present
by which to acknowledge that which he
had just received, and carried his coat
to the Priest.

The men have no other occupation than
hunting and war ; the women work in
the field, sow, cook, seek wood in the
forest and carry burdens when they
accompany their husbands to their
wars.

As soon as a woman finds herself preg-
nant, she quits her husband without
leaving his habitation, and so also dur-
ing the whole of the time of nursing the
child, which is for two years. During
all this time she does not discontinue

even the hardest labor, such as working
in the fields, going for wood, etc.

The husbands repudiate their wives
when they desire to change, and the
wives repudiate their husbands; all this
without any quarrel, and often because
the women do not find their husbands
chaste enough. This continence is
found in the warm islands as well as in
North America.

They are very fond of their children.
M. de Frontenac asking for some of
them, they said to him : " You imagine
that our women are like French women,
who are like hedge hogs, which get rid
of their children by putting their mouths
to the sap of a tree as soon as they are
born."

They love proportionately their own
nation, their allies, their friends, and
when two Savages have professed a
friendship for each other, and one of them
is killed in war, the survivor has no rest
until he is killed himself or has killed
some enemy.

When they are reproached for their
cruelty when absolutely masters, they
say that we would treat our relatives
with equal kindness if we were as fond
of our relatives.

They undertake war neither to extend
their rule, nor to enrich themselves with
the spoils of their enemies, nor to make
slaves, nor to eat human flesh, but from
the single passionate desire to avenge
the death or the tortures which their
relatives have undergone, or from a pas-
sion to show their valor by attacking
strange nations.

Their wars rarely finish except with
the entire destruction of one of the two
parties. They do not fight in line of

242

REPRINTS

battle, but without any order, each at-
taching himself to his man, unless they
seek to carry a strong position; for on
these occasions they have been seen after
being repulsed by musket shot returning
to the charge in close rank, covered by
pieces of timber. Sometimes they leave
four or five hundred together when about
to carry some village or fort, but often
they go in parties of twenty-five or thirty
only, and sometimes singly. Thus they
have been seen to leave their homes to cut
off the head of the first man of the hostile
or stranger nation they meet, even at a dis-
tance of one hundred and fifty leagues
from the place of their habitation, either
to secure their reputation for courage or
out of spite to some one of their nation
who had suspected them of cowardice.
For example, an Iroquois went to kill a
man, and brought off his wife and a small
boy prisoners, leaving his hatchet in a
place of which he took careful note, and
this journey served as a challenge to the
person who had suspected him of coward-
ice: for on his return he said to the person
who had wounded him by his suspicion:
" I said to you that I would carry a
hatchet to a place so dangerous that you
would not dare to go in search of it. It
is one hundred and fifty leagues from
here. Here are two prisoners who are
my witnesses. Go and bring it if you
dare."

Sometimes parties go as far as fifty
days journey from their homes — that is
to say, more than five hundred leagues.

Swords are not carried in that coun-
try, as much because they embarrass the
march through the woods as because
they are a useless defence against the
hatchets which they carry, the Savages

having the strength to hurl their hatchets
thirty paces, and with so much address
as to fasten the iron of the hatchet in
the head of the person with whom they
have to deal. They carry besides a bow
and arrows and a gun. With these arms
they provide themselves by hunting dur-
ing their whole march, except when they
draw near their enemies, for then they
march with great precaution, making the
least amount of noise possible, and con-
tenting themselves with water and a small
ration of flour, which they bring from
their homes in along narrow sack which
they carry on their shoulders.

When they have taken a few prison-
ers, they carry them off in all haste with-
out stopping day or night to hunt for
game, so that they are sometimes seven,
eight or ten days without food, making
fifteen and twenty leagues a day. The
prisoners permit themselves to be led,
partly because it may happen that their
lives will be spared and partly because
they believe that a man who would kill
himself for fear of torture would be held
a coward in the spirit land.

When they stop at any place they tie
the prisoner stretched on his back to
four trees. One of them sleeps on his
stomach, another on each of the limbs.

When the Huron nation existed, and
they made prisoners, they fastened their
legs between the two splints of a young
tree, cut in halves lengthways.

The prisoners are wholly at the mercy
of the chief of the expedition. Who-
ever is condemned to death is led across
the people ranged in line the distance of
a quarter or half of a league, and as he
passes is beaten by those opposite to
him, who either give him slashes or cut

REPRINTS

243

out a piece of his flesh or drive sharp
points into it. It is even quite common
to make two cuts on the two sides of
the tendons of the wrist and passing a
short stick under the tendon, to twist
the stick several times to tear out the
tendon. When he has endured all these
sufferings he is brought back to the tent
of his master, when he is put upon a
high place and exposed to view of all
who wish to insult him. Sometimes his
master has mercy upon him, but ordin-
arily he is taken the next day to the
middle of the village to a place where
there is a scaffold always ready for these
executions, and there is he burned with
all kinds of hot instruments, which he
endures without a tear or a cry, even
arranging to increase his pain in order
the better to show how much he de-
spises it.

The whole execution takes place with-
out noise or any sign of rage. The
spectators of the torture approach, when
so inclined, to burn the victims, but with
order and gravity and without ceasing
to smoke, apply to him fire brands or
the iron of red hot hatchets. I heard
M. l'Abbe de la Vergne say that he had
learned from a missionary that a savage
having girdled the scalp of one of those
sufferers from the forehead to the back
of the head on the line of the roots
of the hair, tore off the entire scalp
and threw it at the feet of the victim.
Another savage approaching in his turn
and holding a fire brand to a part of his
body, the victim stooped down and
seeing the savage who was burning him
attentive to his movement slapped the
scalp on his head and laughed at him.

They burn the women and little child-

ren as well as the men. M. de la Salle
saw them burn a woman with her nursing
child. The women sometimes cry, but
they never weep.

A prisoner not enduring his sufferings
with sufficient fortitude to satisfy the
savages who were putting him to torture,
a savage said to him, " I will show you
how to endure," so tying his leg to that
of the victim he caused a great torch well
on fire to be given to him, and placing it
between his leg and that of the victim
endured it without giving the slightest
sign of pain until the wood was extin-
guished by the grease which flowed from
his leg or that of the prisoner.

The victims make it a point to make
no recommendation as to such increase
of their pain as might hasten their death.
One of the prisoners saying to those who
were burning him that they did not
understand what they were about, and
that to cause him to suffer such pain as
he had himself inflicted on many of their
relatives they should put a hot iron on
the pit of the stomach, and dying in-
stantly on its application, he was con-
sidered to be a coward.

They never change color when they
go into a fight, and as long as the fight
endures they are nearly as cool as at
other times.

They hold in little esteem the bravery
of such European nations as they are
acquainted with, but they despise the
French much less than other nations.
A Dutchman said to a savage that the
French were slaves of their king, but
that each Dutchman was master in
Holland. "If that be so," said the savage,
" the slaves are worth more than the
masters."

244

REPRINTS

Those who have been in France and
seen the king's troops in battle have not
been much surprised ; " they look, they
say, like a crowd of gnats and musqui-
toes. When I walk in the woods one of
these flies pricks me in the face, I put
my hand up another pricks me in the
stomach, I put my hand there but a third
comes at the same moment and pricks
me on the shoulder, I have only two
hands — I must suffer it. I could destroy
them all one by one but am overwhelmed
by their numbers. The same way with
your musketry fire, you are two against
one, and I am not surprised that he is
pierced with blows. You combat in a
crowd, and the worse that can happen
to you is to be killed by a musket shot ;
but I go to the war singly and for my
own country, and when I meet my enemy
I must kill him or die myself, and if
captured I am burned by a slow fire."
They also say : " When you French go
into a fight you are pale as long as the
fight lasts, you behave as though you
were drunk, and when you are burned
you weep and cry."

When they feel that death is approach-
ing they begin to sing their death song
and never cease until they lose con-
sciousness.

Cruel as the tortures may be which
they suffer at each others hands, they
much prefer being prisoners among each
other than of the French. " There is no
pleasure, they say, in making war with
you, for when one is captured he is
hanged and then there is no chance to
sing the death song."

Some years since about four hundred
Iroquois went to destroy the village of
Gandastogue. Two savages of the vil-

lage hunting in the forest on the Iroquois
trail perceived this party at a distance
and one said to the other, " go quickly
to warn our brethren that the enemy are
coming to encamp here to-night and
surprise them, and that I remain here to
stop them if I can." After which ob-
serving that the enemy were studying
what course to pursue, he perceives the
chief, who commanded, advance some
distance before the others and climb into
a tree to reconnoitre, leaving his gun at
the foot of the tree. This savage had a
gun, a bow, arrows, lance, etc. He takes
aim at the chief and knocks him from the
tree, then runs to him and girdling his
scalp, tears it off and hangs it on his
belt ; the enemy believing that their
leader had fired upon some wild beast
ran towards him, found him dead and
scalped, and discovered this savage who
was waiting for them. They shouted to
him to surrender and give them infor-
mation. He refused the one and the
other. The entire band spread out to
shut him in, and an Iroquois gaining his
rear, the savage who had pretended not
to perceive him suddenly turned upon
him and killed him with the gun he had
taken from the first ; he ran to the man
he had just killed and not having time
to scalp him took his gun which was
charged, fired upon an Iroquois who
was trying to take him in flank and
wounded him, after which he fled with
•great speed, throwing into the stream all
that could impede him, only retaining
his bow and an arrow. The swiftest of
the Iroquois band breaks out in pursuit,
and the savage perceiving that he would
overtake him and was already near,
stopped suddenly, shot and pierced him

REPRINTS

245

with the point of the arrow he had re-
served, after which throwing away his
bow plunged into the woods ; night
came and he escaped. The expedition
of the Iroquois was checked by the
courage of this savage, for they never
leave their dead in a strange country.
They accordingly carried the bodies
home, where they arrived crying that
they had met a spirit or something more
than a man who had stopped them.

Whenever they see a sick man among
them in agony they make a great noise
to divert, as they say, the spirits who
may injure him, and force him to swal-
low something continually, so that they
stifle, instead of curing him. When the
sick man is dead they weep and cry
aloud, and after dressing him in all that
he has finest, they carry him along a
leafy alley way which they make from
his house to the place assigned for the
burial of the dead, and put him in the
earth seated on timbers laid on tres-
tles, his arms, with all the necessaries
of life, arranged near him. The grave is
then covered over with timbers on which
his most distinguished action are roughly
painted. They make a kind of dome
over this grave which they cover with
earth, and then this earth with leaves.
The relatives and friends of the dead
man go there every day for a year to
lament, after which they uncover the
dead, wipe off the corruption which is
on the body, renew his supply of pro-
visions, cover him over again and renew
this operation as long as the body exists.

Such are about the customs of these
nations. As regards their origin it seems
very probable that they came from the
north by the west, for the western parts

of America were found thickly inhabited
by the Spaniards with towns and a
settled government. Moreover all of this
continent joins ours only by the north.
Thomas Gages says that the Mexicans
have many of the customs of the Tartars,
and the Iroquois relate that in their
most northerly expeditions they have
taken prisoners who after having learned
the Iroquois language informed them
that there was in that direction a nation
which fought on horseback. The re-
semblance of their customs and external
appearance over the whole of this great
continent lead to the belief that they
came from the same place, and their
resemblance with the Chinese leads to
the belief that they came from that
direction; but their diversity of language
inclines us to the idea that they came
from various countries, as well from
China as from that great extent of terri-
tory comprised under the name of Grand
Tartary. The language of the Algon-
guins greatly resembles that of the Chi-
nese in its frequent terminations of ing
and of ang, and their mode of life
without fixed habitation is much like
that of the Tartars.

These nations, at least those of North
America, relate their history after the
same manner. It is divided into heroic
periods, that is, fabulous history and his-
tory which may be believed true. Here is
the bulk of what they relate of the heroic
period. In the beginning the heavens
only were peopled with mankind, and
under the heavens there was only an im-
mense extent of water, inhabited by
many fish. The Master of Life, named
Jarum-ia-Ouagen, discontented with his
wife, resolved to punish her, and being

246

REPRINTS

then lain down near the gate of heaven,
which was at the spot now filled by the
globe of the sun, ordered his wife to
bring him something to eat. The fish,
who saw her drop, assembled in de-
liberation as to whether they should
burn her or grant her her life, and de-
termining to have mercy upon her, they
gave the turtle the mission of receiving
her. Pending these deliberations the
woman accomplished her fall, was re-
ceived upon this turtle, to whom others
joined themselves, and weary at having
no other support than this floating plat-
form, she desired that the Earth should
exist — and it did exist. After which a
Spirit descending from the heavens with
three arrows, passed two of them over
her body. She conceived two male chil-
dren, one of whom became a great hunt-
er, and was greatly beloved of his
mother; the other being unfortunate in
the hunt and killing only lean beasts,
his mother despised him. This one af-
flicted by his misfortune and losing
heart, the Spirit, his father, visited him
and consoled him by promising to give
him fortune in the hunt and to teach
him besides the art of building and agri-
culture. In fact, he showed him the
park where the fat beasts which his
brother killed in the hunt were shut up,
and led him under the waters, where he
showed him a house built neatly and
commodiously. He gave him the seeds
of melons, corn, &c. He then built for
his mother a house on this model, gave
her fruit and very good venison to eat,
and began to grow so much in her good
graces as to cause his brother to be jeal-
ous in his turn — I do not know how
these brothers peopled the world — M.

de^la^Salle was interrupted as he was
telling me these things. He made me
understand simply that it was in a man-
ner that it is difficult to relate with de-
cency. A serpent of enormous size hav-
ing destroyed all the men who sprung
from these first, one of the two — that is
to say, the favored one of the Spirit,
having invoked the aid of his father, the
Spirit gave him the third of the arrows
which he brought to his mother, and
showed him how he must use it to kill
the Serpent, and what he must do with
this Serpent. To renew the human race
he did one and the other, and after sev-
eral adventures, his father, who had be-
come a wanderer in the woods, being
changed into a .... ; this was in
turn changed into a beaver. From him
sprung the Nation of the Iroquois, and
it is for this reason that the beavers un-
derstand building so well. This is what
I heard said of their fabulous history,
which they all relate in the same man-
ner, except some unimportant circum-
stances. For instance, there are nations
who believe that this fallen woman was
received by beavers, and not by turtles,
but the base of the stories is the same
everywhere.

They count the period of their actual
history by transmigrations — that is to say,
by seven years, for they never remain
longer in one place. They count about
eighty transmigrations, that is from five
to six hundred years. They pride them-
selves on knowing what has happened to
them during this period. Thus each na-
tion knows its wars, its losses, its gains,
and they preserve the recollection of
them, without writing, in two ways. One
is by making certain necklaces with marks

NOTES

247

to designate the most important events
of a certain period. They enclose these
necklaces, which serve as registers, in a
box. Another manner is to depute each
year one to another, the oldest of each
canton, to relate this history in the pres-
ence of the assembled canton, and to
verify it by the necklaces, the signifi-
cance of which the youths learn to
teach in their turn to those who come
after them, and thus to preserve from
generation to generation the memory of
the most important events. I heard no
details of this history, except that the
Iroquois have destroyed in the last
[ ] more than one hundred thous-
and men, comprising more than fifty na-
tions, and that the last which they wholly
destroyed was that of the Gandastogues,
to which belonged the brave Savage
whose adventure I have related. It is
not known what became of the Savage.
The whole nation was utterly destroyed,
those who escaped death being brought
home prisoners by the Iroquois in 1672.
Fro?n the Re'cit d'un Ami de VAbbe de
Gallinee in Decouvertes et £tablissements
des Pranfais dans VOuest ei dans le Sud
de V Amerique Septentrionale &*£., par
Pierre Margry. premiere partie. Paris,
1878. Editor.

NOTES
Du simitiere's memoranda of

PAINTINGS IN BOSTON, NEW ENGLAND,

1769. — "At Dr. William Smibertisalarge
collection of original Drawings of the
best masters. Prints mostly italian, Pic-
tures. Several of them originals and some
done by his father John Smibert, a good
painter, chiefly portraits, and a good col-

lection of casts in plaster of Paris from
the best antiques, besides basso relieves.
Seals and other curiosties.

"At Mr. Peter Chardon in New Boston
there is a small collection of Pictures,
amongst which there is a landskip by
Berghem and another which I take to
be by the same, but not in so good pre-
servation, a picture representing the del-
uge, having a great number of figures
and very good; a madona with the child
asleep, done by Demina, an italian
painter, in England about 40 years ago,
and some others.

"At Mr. Shrimpton Hutchinson there
is some pictures done by Sir Peter Lely,
one certainly is by him.

"At Capt'n Cary, living in Charlestown,
there is several curious picture, a ceres
head, an italian piece by Batista, a small
head in oyl of Oliver Cromwell, some
little battle piece done in a ruff manner,
but have a fine effect at a distance, a
still life of game, &c.

"At the town House in the council
chamber the pictures of Charles the 2nd,
James the 2nd and George the 2d at full
length, and the copies of the pictures of
Governor Winthrop, Governor Endicot,
Governor Leveret, Governor Bradstreet,
Governor Burnet, and the picture three-
quarters of Governor Pownall; in the
representatives room the picture of Ad-
miral Russell betwixt the windows above
the speaker's chair. There is carved
above the door the ancient arms of the
province, and in the middle of the ceil-
ing hangs a carved wooden cod fish, em-
blem of the staple of commodities of
the province.

"At Faneuil Hall the picture of Peter
Faneuil, the Donator, and of Govr.

24?

NOTES

Wm. Shirley, both by John Smibert, and
at full length, the picture of George the
md also at full length, these three in-
different, and two three quart's pictures
lately come over from England, one of
Henry Seymour Conway. Secretary of
State, and the other of Colal Bane.
Roth asserters of the liberties oi Amer-
in relation to the Stamp Act: the
frame of these two last mentioned is
both rich and Elegant, having at the top
the respective coat of arms of the gen-
tlemans represented in their proper col-
ors. Above the entrance Door in the
inside of the said Hall is a carving
painted according to heraldry oi the
arms of Peter Faneuil.

"A: Harward Hall. Cambridge, in the
dining room, over the chimney, the pic-
ture. | length. einoi Francis Bar-
nard, i ho gave the plan for the rebuild-
ing the said Hall after it had been con-
sumed by fire in the month of Jan'y,
- . .: in the 51 HO, on each sic. e of
the said picture, two others of full k

. unas Hollis of London, merch't,
and . s B Esq . c: : Bos*

s to this cc
:.in folding
and their frames ve: They

all three p by John S ag

There was
of T Moans Hollis before this, I
burnt with the Hall. P c I 1 1 m sen
men

LOC- AN.

Mak:\. xY. — A wr::er in Har-

Monthly for M .kly con-

> not know ** the c

I . ed to

- S: An-

drews, at the mouth of the Bay of Fundy;

but though badgered by Great and Lit-
tle Head, he has no difficulty in connec-
tion with the story of a resident of
Grand Menau respecting Champlain's
anchor, found on the beach at Menau
in i $42, which the said resident " rea-
sons must have been left " by that fa-
mous navigator. " The shank of this
anchor was eleven feet long, and one
part of the shank seven inches in diam-
eter, dimensions which would give it an
original weight of at least fourteen hun-
dred weight." It does not seem to oc-
cur to our antiquarian friend that Cham-
plain never landed at Menau. much less
left an anchor there. Besides, his ves-
sel was simply a little shallop built for
shoal water, which carried no fourteen
hundred-weight anchor. Wouldn't it be
best to stop making history : QuiS.

Battism of a sagamore. — In the
. the year 1610,
appears an account oi the first 1
baptism in Canada. The Sieur de
trincourt stood 5] American

n the nan and Mon-

5 so* ssist ing in that of his
Louis (Louis XV.) "The French
never took pride in making slaves ts
> do. Thus the Sieur de
Poitrincourt, returning this year (1610)
to Port Royal in Canada, instead of
_, and reducing the savages to
E d by every means (ac-
e orders he had received
from the late King' to instruct them in
AL.gion : in the which he
Labored so sn y that the Gi

Sagamo of the savages, his wife, his chil-
dren and his children's children, to the

NOTES

249

number of twenty, were baptised the
day of Saint Jean Baptiste last, and he
and his son held them in the name of
the late King and of the present King
(not having yet received the sad news
of his death)." J. A. S.

Historic coincidence. — Montpellier,
July 9, 1 83 1. Dear Sir. Your favor of
the 4th, communicating the death of
Mr. Monroe, was duly received. I had
been prepared for the event by informa-
tion of its certain approach. The time
was so far happy as it added another to
the coincidences before so remarkable
and so memorable. You have justly
ranked him with the heroes and patriots
who have deserved best of their coun-
try. No one knew him better than I
did or had a sincerer affection for him,
or condoles more deeply with those to
whom he was most dear.

With the thanks which I owe you, be
pleased to accept, Sir, the tender of my
esteem and my cordial salutations.

James Madison.
Doctor John W. Francis. T.

A MEMENTO OF ISAIAH THOMAS.

Printing Office, Worcester, Nov. 8, 1781.
Whereas, a number of persons are in-
debted to the Printer of this paper, who
neglect to pay him : He requests that all
such would consider the great disadvan-
tage he labours under on this account ;
although the sum due from each person
is so small, that payment would scarcely
be felt by those who are in his debt, yet
there are so many persons in arrears
that if they would all be so generous as
to make immediate payment (and not
put it off untill some future time), it

would be of essential service to the
Printer — whose Press absolutely " wants
oyl." In fact, he has some Loud Calls for
that universal reliever of temporal diffi-
culties — Cash — which must be obeyed.

Those gentlemen who owe me Butter,
Wood, or any kind of Country produce,
will please to take notice that I am in
great want of their assistance. Isaiah
Thomas. — Massachusetts Spy, Nov. 8,
1781.

Once more ! — The Printer is again
put to the disagreeable necessity of call-
ing upon all those who are in his debt
for newspapers, as his former advertise-
ments have not had the desired effect.
He now informs those who are in arrears
that their accounts are all drawn out ;
and a settlement of those trifling, though
numerous debts must take place.

N. B. I, Thomas, takes this oppor-
tunity to present his sincere thanks to
those of his customers whose punctual
payments have been the means of sup-
porting his Press. Several persons have
given the Printer their notes of hand
for Newspapers, which Notes he re-
quests may be discharged without fur-
ther delay. — Massachusetts Spy, Feb. 7,
1782. Petersfield.

Remarkable incident. — On the 4th
of July, 1812, General Chandler gave as
a toast at Augusta: "The 4th of July,
1 813 — May we on that day drink wine
within the walls of Quebec ! " On this
same 4th of July he was within the walls
of Quebec (a prisoner), and from the
known hospitality of the citizens of that
place, we have no doubt his wish was
literally gratified. — Columbia Centinel,
July 7, 1813. W. K.

250

QUERIES

Congress of Canadian Indians. —
Extract of a Letter from Montreal, dated
May 9, 1764. " Capt. Claws, the Di-
rector of Indian Affairs in this Province,
arrived here lately from Johnson-Hall.
Hearing that a numerous Congress of
the different Nations of Indians settled
in this Government was to be held at
Coghnawaga, the 5th Instant, in Pres-
ence of Brigadier General Burton, our
worthy Governor; I had the Curiosity
to follow thither, where He went, at-
tended by all the Commanding Officers
of the different Corps in this Govern-
ment, and others, Officers of the Gar-
rison. At the Approach of his Barge,
the Indians, who had hoisted up in sev-
eral Parts of their Fort Union Flags,
and Red Flags, saluted Him with a Dis-
charge of Pateraroes and Vollies of
Small Arms. The whole Village, Men,
Women and Children, shewed the great-
est Demonstrations of Joy at his Land-
ing, at which Time a Company of War-
riors, with English Colours flying, and
Officers at their Head, formed a double
File, through which the Governor, at-
tended by Capt. Claws, the Indian Di-
rector, and other Officers, marched, and
went to the Council-Hall, where, after
the usual Compliments, I saw, with the
highest Satisfaction, the Chiefs of the
different Tribes and Nations assembled
take up the War Belts with great Readi-
ness, and heartily promise for their
Tribes to join our Indian Friends, so
that Numbers of them are soon to set
off for Sir William Johnson. — N. Y. Ga-
zette, May 28, 1764. H. S.

Tuesday last week, inform us that a
number of people called Crackers, who
live above Augusta, in the province of
Georgia, had gone in a hostile manner
to the Indian town and settlement at
Okonee, where on their arrival, finding
only one old Indian man, all the others
being out hunting, they plundered the
village of every thing of any value they
could carry off, and burnt every house
in it. The same letter adds that this is
like a formal declaration of war, and
that dreadful consequences might be
apprehended should the Indians take it
in that light, in which case those people
that committed such a violent outrage
would be the first to run away. Letters
from Augusta say that the pretence for
this violence was that those who commit-
ted it had lost several horses, which they
suspected were stolen by the Indians of
Okonee; that they went to that town in
search of them, but found none, and
seeing the place defenceless, all the men
being from home, they resolved to plun-
der and burn it. — New York Mercury,
September 21st, 1767. W. K.

Georgia crackers. — "Letters from
Silver Bluff, on Savanah river, dated on

QUERIES

The carrolls of carrollton. —
What relation were Charles and John
Carroll to one another ?

In the magazine for February Mr.
Carpenter in an article on Charles Car-
roll at page iot, says: "these broad
acres descended through four genera-
tions of only sons, the third of whom
was Charles Carroll of Carrollton."

Bancroft in History of United States,
vol. viii. p. 423, says : " John Carroll the
brother of Charles."

REPLIES

Hildreth in History of United States,
vol. iii. p. 124, says : " accompanied by
Carroll's brother."

Parton in Life of Franklin, ii. p. 116,
says : " Mr. Carroll was * * * to
prevail upon his brother John."

Appleton's Cyclopedia iv. p. 488, says:
John " accompanied * * * his cousin
Charles."

Now who was the father of John
Carroll ; how was he related to Charles ;
and how shall we get the above authors
to tell the same story ? G. B.

Green house of the united states.
— Can any of your readers explain what
was the Green House of the LTnited
States mentioned in the following item
from the N. Y. Packet of March 14th,
1782.—" Fishkill, March 14. On Tues-
day the 5th inst., was married at the
Green House of the United States, in
this place, Mr. John Brown to Miss
Hannah McKensey, a lady endowed
with every accomplishment necessary to
render the marriage state completely
happy." W. K.

Bulls and bears. — The following
explanation of this familiar term, was
written by Dr. Warton in 1807. "He
who sells that of which he is not pos-
sessed, is proverbially said to sell the
skin before he has caught the bear. It
was the practice of stock jobbers in the
year 1720, to enter into contract for
transfering South Sea stock at a future
time for a certain price ; but he who
contracted to sell had frequently no
stock to transfer, nor did he who bought
intend to receive any in consequence of
his bargain ; the seller was therefore

called a bear, in allusion to the proverb —
and the buyer a bull, perhaps only as a
similar distinction. The contract was
merely a wager to be determined by the
rise or fall of stock ; if it rose, the seller
paid the difference to the buyer pro-
portioned to the sum determined by the
same computation to the seller."

When was this system of stock specu-
lation and the appellation of Bulls and
Bears first used in America ?

Petersfield.

The long low black schooner. —
Reading a letter from Baltimore, dated
August 24, 1784, I find that one Wha-
land, formerly a noted refugee, was at
that period the terror of the Chesapeake,
committing daily depredations on the
coasting vessels and murdering or plun-
dering their crews.

" We are informed [the letter reads]
that the vessel which Wayland employs
for the above infamous purpose is a top
sail schooner with black sides and bottom,
full of men, and draws but three and a
half feet water. He has also several
boats well-armed, so that it is dangerous
for any vessels to go within sight of him."

Was this the prototype of the famous
bug-bear of a quarter of a century ago ?

Cooper.

REPLIES

Fall of the alamo. — (II. 1.) In
his very interesting paper on this event,
Captain Potter refers only to the narra-
tions of Yoakum the historian, Francisco
Ruiz and Becero. I presume therefore
that he has not seen another account
published in the New York Tribune of

252

PROCEEDINGS OF THE N. Y. HISTORICAL SOCIETY

March, 1877, which differs somewhat
from his own.

The Tribune account was related, so
the correspondent of the paper says, by-
Francisco Buerra, a Mexican soldier in
the storming party of the Alamo, and
" now an honored and aged citizen of
Brownsville, Texas." He differs from
the other narrators, in giving the num-
ber of the Mexican forces at 6,000 men ;
4000 under Santa Anna, and 2,000 under
Talza, and in stating that the corpses of
2,000 Mexicans were buried after the
assault. But the most important differ-
ence between his account and that of
Captain Potter is in his description of
the death of Travis and Crockett. He
says that these two were found living,
yet exhausted by death dealing, and
lying among the dead. " When Travis
was discovered he gave a Mexican gold,
and while conversing with him General
Cos, with whom Travis had dealt most
generously when San Antonio was cap-
tured by the Americans, appeared. Cos
embraced Travis and induced other
officers to join him in asking Santa Anna
to spare Travis's life. The President
General sternly refused. Then Crockett,
from among the corpses stood up, utterly
exhausted by weary sleepless days and
nights, and by five hours constant fighting.

" Santa Anna was enraged beyond
measure that his orders were not exe-
cuted. He directed the soldiers near
him to fire on the two Texans. Travis
was shot first in the back. He folded
his arms across his breast, and stood
stiffly erect till a bullet pierced his neck.
He fell upon his face, while Crockett's
body was riddled with bullets." This is
given as the statement of an eye witness

on the Mexican side, with the promise on
the part of the correspondent of another
account from one of the women who
survived the assault, and who now lives
at Austin, Texas. I know not if he ful-
filled his promise, but I venture to give
Buerra's narration, in the hope that
Captain Potter may correct the error
wherever it may be.

Horace Edwin Hayden.

Wreck at the isles of shoals. —
(II. 57, 188.) C. W. T. says the Sagunto
arrived at New York, Feb. 2, 1813,
while the N. Y. Commercial Advertiser
of Feb. 2 and 3, distinctly reports "no
arrivals " for those days. The Price
Current of Feb. 6, however, says that on
the 2d, a ship called the " Regunto " was
"down Sound." Will C. W. T. show
how the recorder at the Isles of Shoals
made the blunder ? Review.

MARCH PROCEEDINGS

OF THE NEW YORK HISTORICAL

SOCIETY

The regular monthly meeting was held
in the Hall of the Society, Tuesday eve-
ning, March 5, 1878, the President,
Frederic de Peyster, LL.D., in the chair.

After the usual table business the
Rev. Dr. Charles W. Baird, of Rye, de-
scribed his recent visit to England in a
paper — "A Month among the Records
in London." The Doctor laid great
stress upon the uniform courtesy with
which investigators are treated by the
custodians of the various repositories of
the public records. Remarks were made
by the President and by Messrs. Morse,
de Lancey and Osgood, after which the
Society adjourned.

LITERARY NOTICES

253

(Publishers of Historical Works wishing
Copies, Box 100, Station

CENSUS OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
FOR 1875. Compiled from the Original Re-
turns under the direction of the Secretary of
State by C. W. Seaton, Superintendent of the
Census. Folio, pp. 465. Weed, Parsons &
Co., Albany.

The study of statistics, while of all the least
popular, is to the political economist the most im-
portant, the most replete with information, and
the only certain basis for projects of social ameli-
oration and civil reform. But to be of any real
value their accuracy must be unquestionable and
unquestioned. The only figures that do not lie
are true figures — not figures which have been
"cooked," as the vulgar phrase describes the
process of alteration or false presentation by sup-
pressions of any kind. Of all tables of statistics
the most difficult of preparation are those which
concern the human race, because they affect
either real or fancied interests. In countries
where a civil list exists, and every resident is at
all times expected to be provided with an " Act
of birth," the counting of population is easy.
In the United States the census taker has always
found insuperable obstacles to accuracy.

We have never yet known, for instance, with
any degree of certainty the number of the slave
population of the South, where the interest of the
States of that section was clearly in a magnify-
ing of the number of slaves, because of the
three-fifths rule in representation ; and in the
cities of the North, where a large part of the
population resides in tenement houses, there is
an equal difficulty in ascertaining the numbers of
this class, because of their ignorance or from fear
of the demands on their citizenship, which they
suppose may result from an answer to the call
of the agent of authority. Still, as these diffi-
culties have always existed, the comparisons of
each decade may be nearer correct than the pre-
cise figures established at each period of count.

The Constitution of the State of New York
of 1846 provided for an enumeration of its in-
habitants in the year 1855, and every tenth year
thereafter. The present is the census of 1875,
taken at a cost to the State of $263,054.99, and
compiled at a further cost of $100,000.

The population of the State has increased
twenty-three per cent, since 1865, against an in-
crease of nearly twenty-four per cent, in the de-
cade ending in that year. If the rate of increase
continues on the basis of the official returns,
Mr. Seaton estimates that the population of the
State at the close of the century will be between
six and seven millions.

The total population is shown to be 4,698,958,
classified according to nativity as follows : na-

Notices, will address the Editor, with
D— N. Y. Post office.)

tive born, 3,503,300; foreign born, 1,195,658.
By sex: males, 2,320,188; females, 2,378,780.
By race : white, 4,642,837 ; colored, 56,121.

Examining the supplementary tables, we find
that of the increase of population 301,240 were
born in other States of the Union ; a contribution
of six and one-half per cent, (in round figures)
of these Pennsylvania contributed, a little over
one per cent. Massachusetts, and New Jersey a
little less than one per cent, respectively. The
additions of persons born in foreign countries
reached the sum 1,195,658. Of these 73,340
came from Canada, 119,090 from England,
367,351 from Germany, 27,364 from Holland,
and 91,176 from other foreign countries.

Turning attention to the distribution of this
increase, we find that it has been almost wholly
realized by cities and their suburbs. While the
cities and suburbs have increased at the rate of
nearly 35 percent., the rural districts have not
increased even two per cent. This is in accord-
ance with the experience of all countries at the
present time. The comforts and advantages af-
forded by city residence are an irresistible at-
traction of modern life.

Of the entire population of the State, 1, 267, 522
were of the voting age — twenty-one years and
upwards, and 956,874 between the ages of eigh-
teen and forty-five, the period of military ser-
vice.

The compiler for obvious reasons, such as
want of uniformity in returns, considers the ta-
bles of Mortality as merely approximate. The
total mortality for the year ending March, 1875,
was 53,860, or about 1.15 per centum of the
total population ; of this number 10,441 were of
foreign birth ; 5,249 of these of Irish and 2,711
of German origin. The mortality among the
Irish, as compared with the German, is dispro-
portionately large, being 100 in every 10,000
Irish to 74 in every 10,000 of German. Per-
haps the cause of this enormous difference may
be found in the mooted question of Whiskey
versus Beer.

The social statistics present some interesting
features. Those upon Education deserve spe-
cial notices. The number of persons of what is
known as the school age, between five and
twenty-one years, was returned by the School
Census of 35th September, 1875, at 1,583,022,
and the number of school attendants during the
year then closed 1,193,882, or 93.31 per cent, of
the whole. These figures the Report considers
overestimated, but with all deductions they am-
ply demonstrate the attention paid to education
in the State under its liberal legislative provis-
ions.

A series of maps, showing the percentage of
increase or decrease of population and products

254

LITERARY NOTICES

of each county, contributes to the value of this
interesting volume. In the midst of the rapidly-
moving stream of life we hardly take note of
the rapid changes which go on about us. It is
only when we pause, and look back upon the
progress which has taken place in our own gen-
eration, that we can form any estimate of what
is to follow, and even then, such is the incred-
ulity of the human mind, we cannot reconcile
ourselves to the magnitude of the figures which
a statistical retrospect gives certain promise of
in the near future.

THE NEW YORK GENEALOGICAL AND
Biographical Record. Devoted to the in-
terests of American Genealogy and Biography.
Issued quarterly. January, 1878.
We take great pleasure in commending to our
readers this unusually lively number of our
bright and sparkling contemporary. Rev. Bev-
erly R. Betts contributes a biographical sketch of
the Rev. Robert Bolton, the Westchester anti-
quarian and historian. Dr. Purple follows with
some account of the Ancient Families of New
York. These are supplemented by continua-
tions of the Records of the First Presbyterian
and Reformed Dutch Churches.

We notice with a little surprise the exception
taken to our calling the narrative by Captain
John Stuart, printed in the Magazine last year,
an " original document." We were aware that
the Virginia Historical Society had printed the
narrative from a copy furnished by his son,, and
corrected by him. The excessive rarity of the
volume, however, induced us to print the nar-
rative verbatim from the original document. Our
painstaking friend has added to the value of his
note by appending to it a few extracts concern-
ing the Stuart-Lewis family from The Virginia
Historical Register and Gilmer's Settlers of Up-
per Georgia.

MEMOIRS OF SHAUBENA, WITH INCI-
DENTS RELATING TO THE EARLY SETTLE-
MENT of the West. By N. Matson. With
full page illustrations. i6mo, pp. 269. D. B.
Cooke & Co., Chicago, 1878.
An account of interviews held by the author,
in the fall of 1836, with this famous Ottawa
Chief, who was a contemporary of Tecumseh and
Black Hawk, and often represented the inter-
ests of the western tribes at Washington, where
he was especially in favor because of his constant
amity with the whites and the lives he had saved
during the Black Hawk War. Those curious in
scandal will find an amusing sketch of a dance
at Prairie du Chien, where Colonel (afterwards
President) Taylor was quartered with his regi-

ment, an occasion on which Lieutenant Jefferson
Davis made himself conspicuous by too gallant
attention to an Indian squaw, which would have
brought on a general massacre or fight but for
the presence of mind of Colonel Taylor. This
scene is illustrated with a characteristic picture.
The book is written in an extremely bright and
pleasing style.

CEREMONIES AT THE UNVEILING OF
the Monument to Roger Williams erect-
ed by the City of Providence, with the
Address by J. Lewis Diman, October 16,
1877. 8vo, pp. 52. Providence, 1877.
In 1636, more than two centuries ago, Roger
Williams founded the prosperous city, the seer
ond in New England in wealth and importance,
which last year erected in a park a monument
to his memory.

The site of the statue, which was executed at
Rome by Mr. Franklin Simmons, and of which
a photographic picture in the present volume
gives an excellent idea, is in a pleasure park,
the ground of which — the residence of Roger
Williams — was bequeathed by Miss Betsy Will-
iams, a lineal descendant of the colonial worthy,
to the city of Providence for public uses. The
monument is of bronze, twenty-seven feet in
height, the statue seven and a half feet, and
that of History, which stands at the base in the
attitude of inscribing the name of Roger Will-
iams upon the supporting, six and a half feet.

The address of Mr. Diman is a modest and
graceful tribute to the memory of this most
worthy man, whose memory as the bold asserter
of liberty of conscience will be ever cherished
by the American people.

BRICK CHURCH MEMORIAL, 1699-1877.
The Days of Old and their Commemora-
tion, Wednesday, September 8, 1877. Com-
piled by Rev. Theodore W. Wells, Pastor
of the church. 8vo, pp. 96. Marlborough,

1877.

This is an account of the proceedings at the
semi-centennial celebration of the dedication of
the Brick Church at Marlborough, Monmouth
county, New Jersey, formerly known as the Re-
formed Church of the Navasink. The Historical
sketch was by the Pastor, and gives a careful
narrative of the history and perturbations of the
congregation. The old church was founded in
1699, and its records run back to 1709, when the
preaching was done in Dutch. In 1785, Dutch
singers giving out, the pastor was authorized to
have English if he chose, but the preaching was
to be in the language of Holland.

LITERARY NOTICES

255

A HISTORY OF THE FIRST PRESBY-
TERIAN Church of Carlisle, Pa. By Rev.
Conway P. Wing, D.D. 8vo, pp. 263. Car-
lisle, 1877.

This is much more than a church history.
The reader will find in its well-written pages an
account of the Kittatinuy Valley and its Scotch-
Irish settlers, from the first immigration in
1829-30. Carlisle, it will be remembered, was
occupied by the Confederate troops under Gen-
eral Ewell during the invasion of Pennsylvania,
and the first church was then under the Rev.
Dr. Wing's pastoral care.

THE ANNALS OF HEMPSTEAD, 1643 TO
1832. Also the rise and growth of the Society
of Friends on Long Island and in New York,
1657 to 1826. By Henry Onderdonk, Jr.
8v, pp. 107. Lott Van de Water, Hemp-
stead, 1878.

The town could not have found a more earnest
and careful chronicler than the well-known gen-
tleman who edits this compilation from the rec-
ords of this ancient and famous town. Hemp-
stead was first settled, as many of the towns on
Long Island, by a New England colony. The
records are not very exciting reading, but sup-
ply details valuable as collateral history.

WILLIAM BLACKSTONE, BOSTON'S
First Inhabitant. i2mo, pp. 36. Copy-
righted by Robert Churchill. Boston,
1877.

In this little monograph we are informed that
William Blackstone occupied the greater part of
what was later called Boston, but then known
as Shawmut, all by himself — monarch of the
eight hundred acres, which later comprised the
city limits. A slight sketch of the individual is
followed by a poem in his memory, wherein we
find the true Mayflower aroma.

AN AMERICAN ALMANAC AND TREAS-
URY of Facts, Statistical, Financial and
Political for the year 1878. Edited by
Amsworth R. Spofford, Librarian of Con-
gress. 8vo, pp. 420. The American News
Company, New York and Washington.
This volume, the able compiler informs us,
aims to supply a want long felt for a compact
and comprehensive reference book, giving the
statistics of all nations, and especially of the
United States, at the latest date, and at a mod-
erate price.

In its preparation all of the well-known sources

of statistical information have been drawn upon.
The merit, and a very great one, in Mr. Spofford
is his admirable condensation. We find also an
interesting table of the ages of notable persons,
and a charming chapter on the curiosities of sta-
tistics.

AN ACCOUNT OF THE DESTRUCTION

by Fire of the North and West Halls of
the Model-room in the United States
Patent Office Building on the 24TH
September, 1877. Together with a History
of the Patent Office, from 1790 to 1877. (Illus-
trated.) 8vo, pp. 38. Washington, D. C.
The history of the building is of considerable
interest, and is supplemented by a table, show-
ing the names and numbers of the models de-
stroyed by the disastrous conflagration.

GENEALOGICAL NOTES: CONTAINING
the Pedigree of the Thomas Family of
Maryland and the following connected families:
Snowden — Buckley — Laurence — Chew — Elli-
cott — Hopkins — Johnson — Rutherfurd — Fair-
fax — Schieffelin — Tyson, and others. Illus-
rated by views and coats of arms. By Lau-
rence Buckley Thomas. 4to, pp. 197. Lau-
rence B. Thomas, Baltimore, 1877.
This volume is well printed, and arranged in
the most thorough manner, the separation by
groups being admirably marked by the typogra-
phy. The coats of arms are well engraved.
The family of Thomas is claimed to be Welsh,
and of great antiquity, as every thing and body
in Wales is. All the collateral branches are
traced back to an early origin.

LESSONS IN THE HISTORY OF LOUISI-
ANA, from its earliest Settlement to the
close of the Civil War, to which are ap-
pended Lessons in its Geography and Products.
By John Dimitry, A. M. 8vo, pp. 216. A.
S. Barnes & Co., New York, 1887,
This capital youth's history, in the usual form
of questions and answers, supplies a want long
felt in a carefully digested history of the State of
Louisiana, suited for educational purposes. Be-
ginning with early explorers, De Soto, Father
Marguette and Joliet, successive chapters bring
the student to the close of the civil war, the
chapters of which are treated in an excellent and
praiseworthy spirit. Part II treats of the geog-
raphy of the country, and Part III gives an ex-
cellent account of the products of the soil, and
of the animal life on land and water.

256

LITERARY NOTICES

THE SEWARD MEMORIAL. THE CER-
EMONIES of the Unveiling of the Statue
of William H. Seward in Madison Square,
New York, September 6, 1876, with descrip-
tion of the Statue and list of subscribers.
8vo, pp. 23. D. Appleton & Co., New
York, 1878.

The title explains the purpose of this hand-
somely printed volume. The ceremonies in-
clude addresses by Mr. Martin, President of the
Park Commission, and Mr. Evarts, the orator of
the day. The sketch closes with the statement
that the statue is much admired by the public
generally, a statement which, fortunately for the
taste of New York, must not be taken too literally.

history of Mcdonough county,

Illinois, its Cities, Towns and Villages,
with early Reminiscences, Personal Incidents
and Anecdotes, and a complete Business Di-
rectory of the County. By S. J. Clarke. 8vo,
pp. 692. Springfield, 111., 1878.

A full and elaborate account of this county,
which was first settled in the spring of 1826,
previous to which it had been a broad prairie,
the home of the savage. Local histories rarely
repay the general reader for a thorough perusal,
but we find in this chapters of more than special
interest ; of such is that on the Mormons and
the Mormon war, in which many of the citizens
of McDonough took active part. The services
of the county in the civil war are related in de-
tail, in chapters which are a desirable addition
to the military records of the struggle.

THE ELECTORAL SYSTEM OF THE
United States. A Critical and Historical
Exposition of its Fundamental Principles in
the Constitution and the Acts and Proceedings
of Congress enforcing it. By David A.
McKnight. 8vo, pp. 433. J. B. Lippin-
COTT & Co., Philadelphia, 1878.

This volume, the author informs us, "was not
made — it grew naturally and rationally ; it does
not seek to sustain a theory — it establishes a
system." In the course of his investigation Mr.
McKnight claims to have unearthed many new
and important facts, and he announces his confi-
dent opinion that the electoral scheme is a clear
and beautiful system, which only requires to
be understood. The object of the volume is
to explain to the reader what is so clear to the
writer's mind. There is a vast amount of inter-

esting information — indeed, the whole ground
is covered in the fourteen chapters which make
up the work, and an appendix supplies the con-
stitutions of several of the States.

COLECgiON DE DOCUMENTOS INEDI-
tos, para la Historia de Espaha, por El Mar-
ques de la Fuensanta del Valle, T. D.
Jose Sancho Rayon. Tomo LXVI. 8vo,
pp. 560. Imprenta de Miguel Ginesta,
Madrid, 1876.

We extract for the information of our readers
the " Advertencia Preliminar," or preface of the
volume.

"With the present volume, which ends the
third and last book of the " Historia de las In-
dias, de Sr. Bartolome de las Casas," we close
our task. We shall not delay, God willing, to
print part of the ' Apolegetica Historia,' and
some other incidental Tract by the same author;
and in due season his Biography, written by our
dear friend, the learned ' Academico de la His-
toria,' D. Antonio Maria Fabie. This, enriched
by new data and current notes, will occupy a vol-
ume. We have not been able to publish it in
the present volume, as we had only fifteen or
twenty pages at our disposal.

" We have placed in the Appendix 51 chapters
selected from his ' Apologetica Historia,' and
preceded them by the title and prologue of the
book, as much that our readers may form an opin-
ion of this work, as because its author thought
proper to make intercalations in that which we
have just printed; which may be seen by what he
says at the close of chapter 67 of Book I in
the original enumeration of the chapters, ' Apol-
egetica,' the first of which was 68. From
this mss. we propose to publish in brief
if not all that to-day remains unedited, that
part which refers to Mexico and to Peru, which
is the greater part of it. In chaptei-s 197 and
203 two large digressions have been suppressed,
the one on the polygamy of the ancients, the
other upon the custom already most ancient, of
slaying or burning the women when their hus-
bands or lords died, or of burying them alive with
them ; both to excuse these nations and to prove
that the Indians were less barbarous and cruel
in general than themselves."

Among other interesting chapters the present
volume contains the agreement of the King with
Diego Velasguez, an account of the Indians
called Cigayo y Tamayo ; a refutation of what
Fernandez de Oviedo relates of the Indians and
Father Casas in his " Historia;" and in the Ap-
pendix a description of the natural products,
climate, etc., of Santo Domingo, and of the
intelligence and characteristics of the inhabitants
of the Indies in general.

.acq
<J ^ ^

lid

MAGAZINE OF AMERICAN HISTORY

Vol. II MAY 1878 No. 5

THE VOYAGE OF VERRAZANO

MY previous essay was occupied chiefly in considering the text
of Verrazano's Letter. The present will be devoted to the
Voyage which the Letter describes. It may be necessary,
however, at the outset to notice a theory, to which attention was called
sometime since in a review not specially devoted to historical questions.
The theory in question supposes that the voyage of Verrazano was
never made, but was framed out of the map of Ribero, 1529, by some
Florentine forger. This theory may be stated briefly as follows : The
Carli version of the letter makes the total extent of Verrazano's explor-
ation upon the American coast 700 leagues, a distance included between
a point 50 leagues south of latitude 340 N. and 500 N., embracing nine
courses, stated in round numbers as 50, 50, 100, 80, 15, 150, 50, 50, 150
leagues. Then, repairing to Ribero's map, the author of this theory, by
a system of measurements, endeavors to make it appear that the divis-
ions between the corresponding points, 34 N. and 50 N., amount to
the same sum, less only five leagues, and declares that the courses
sailed according to the Letter agree with the latitudes and courses on
Ribero's map. In a refutation of this theory, Mr. Major, the Secre
tary of the Royal Geographical Society, curtly observes: " As a matter
of fact, we find no such 'divisions' on Ribero's map;" which is per-
fectly true, and the assumed divisions might be left to take care of them-
selves. The attention of the reader may nevertheless be directed to
certain facts, as, for instance, to the fact that while the Carli version
gives the length of the fourth course as 80 leagues, Ramusio makes it
only 50. The latter also declares that the distance run was more than
700 leagues, while the total of his figures is only 670. But the integrity
of such a computation depends not alone upon the correctness of the
measurements. There must be the employment of all the factors. In
this case, however, a crucial point in the discussion is omitted. Refer-
ence is here made to the fact that a third latitude given by the Letter

258 THE VOYAGE OF VERRAZANO

is not mentioned at all, though this is the latitude especially to be relied
upon, as it purports to have been fixed during a stay of two weeks.
Respecting the two extreme points of the voyage, 34 N. and 50 N.,
which the late Buckingham Smith supposes, properly enough, " to have
been guessed at rather than ascertained," no question is raised, but the
middle and exact latitude, 41 ° 40' N., which must be the middle term
in any attempt to deduce the Letter from Ribero, is suppressed. To
illustrate this point, a sketch is given from the Ribero map, which was
based upon the Voyage of Gomez, accompanied by one from the map of
Verrazano. Upon the Ribero map is seen indicated the course of what
the theory under consideration holds as a fancied voyage reduced to the
form of a Letter after a study of the map. In connection with this
course the latitude 41 ° 40' N. is not given, only the two extreme lati-
tudes appearing. This middle latitude, however, has been marked by
the present writer, and a glance shows that all is solid land west of that
point. Yet the Letter declares that latitude to have been reached by
sailing from west to east. Thus a true comparison of the Letter with
the Ribero map proves that the Voyage was not deduced from the map,
as the Voyage according to the map was simply an impossibility.
What is more, if the author of the Letter knew of Ribero's map at all,
he discredited it as worthless. For convenience, the two sketches have
been given upon the same sheet. The nine courses sailed by Verrazano
are indicated on the Ribero map by dotted lines. By a careful measure-
ment it will be found that the fifth course, instead of ending where it
would if the theory were correct, that is, in 41 ° 40' terminates near the
beginning of parallel 44 . If the courses described in the Letter had
been deduced from Ribero's map, the port of Verrazano, or Bay of
Refuge, would have been sought near the Bay St. Antonio.

Glancing, however, at the Verrazano sketch which accompanies that
from Ribero, it will be seen that no such contradiction appears. It is
true that the latitudes of Verrazano are incorrect, which is also true of
Ribero, though in a lesser degree. By some misunderstanding Hiero-
nimo placed the Cape of Florida eight degrees too high, and the error
extends up the coast, not being fully eliminated before reaching the lati-
tude of Greenland. This particular feature of the Verrazano Map,
however, will be spoken of more fully in the concluding chapter. It
will be necessary here simply to point out the fact that the coast is quite
distinctly delineated by Verrazano, and that the point laid down in the
Letter as in latitude 410 40 ' east of Block Island, or the Island of
Luisa, may be reached, as Verrazano states, by sailing from west to east.

THE VOYAGE OF VERRAZANO 259

The Harbor of Giovanni da Verrazano, in 41° 40', is marked in the
map of Hieronimo as the Gulf of Refuge (G. del Refugio). The Letter,
therefore, deliberately rejects the Ribero map and agrees with that of
Verrazano. And why? It was simply because the Letter was written
from an exact knowledge of the coast, such as Ribero did not possess ;
for while the Italian map shows the coast with tolerable plainness, from
Sandy Hook to Cape Cod and the neighboring shoals, the Spanish map
shows no knowledge of the existence of Cape Cod, but exaggerates
Sandy Hook so enormously that many have fancied that the Hook was
intended to represent the Cape. Notwithstanding the comparative
rudeness of Verrazano's outline, it required nearly a century to improve
upon it. It is this outline that is indicated in both Map and Letter, by
adhering to which, and by rejecting Ribero, both Letter and Map earn
the right to be considered authentic. If the true character of the Ver-
razano Map had been understood and pointed out earlier, the adverse
theory under review never would have had existence.

Thus by the simple method indicated the assumed divisions of the
Ribero are broken up and dissipated. Besides, it may be remembered,
a forger, who was so exact as to ascertain the fact that during the period
occupied by the alleged voyage no lunar eclipse took place, would not
be so dull as to blunder and miscalculate a simple latitude with the map
before him ; much less would he give the latitude with such particu-
larity. Nor is it likely that a forger, engaged in framing a voyage out
of the map, would say that the country was rich in gold, while the map
says that it is poor. Again, he would not be so bold as to give an island
of the size of Rhodes where Ribero indicates nothing of the kind, nor
would he place the archipelagoes where Ribero has placed none at all.
This theory is, therefore, based upon a nisconception of facts, and can-
not for a moment be entertained. Besides, as will be shown elsewhere,
the influence which Ribero has been supposed to have in Italy never
existed, while Ribero was repudiated by his fellow countryman, Oviedo,
in 1534. In this connection it may be proper to give the full text of
Mr. Major's remarks. He says :

11 As a matter of fact we find no such 'divisions' on Ribero's map; but since
the contour of the country is the same on both maps, it is obvious that if the
courses and distances in the Verrazzano letter tally, as Mr. Murphy says they do,
with the Gomez [Ribero] map, they will do so also with the Verrazzano map,
which is exactly what we should have a right to expect ; and it is equally clear
that we must look for evidence outside of the maps to trace the source whence
their cognate geography is derived. And what do we find ? That, whereas we do

260 THE VOYAGE OF VERRAZANO

possess a lengthy narrative, full of minute detail, of Verrazzano's voyage, which
could bear the minute examination of Dr. Kohl by the light of our knowledge of
to-day, and which it would be simply absurd to suppose to be constructed on the
mere skeleton basis of a map, the following is the learned Doctor's comment on
the Gomez voyage : ' We are unable to designate the track which Gomez followed
on the ocean. No kind of ship-journal or report, written either by himself or any
of his companions, has been preserved ; and the Spanish historians Oviedo, Her-
rera and Gomara, who may have seen such a journal, are extremely brief in their
accounts of this expedition, although it had a particular interest for Spain, being
the only official expedition sent out by that country to the northern parts of our
eastern coast.' In short, the Verrazzano letter contains details which could not
have been gleaned from any previously existing accounts or maps. We must
therefore differ from Mr. Murphy, not only as to the fraudulent fabrication of
Carli's letter, but also as to the statement that without it Verrazzano's letter would
fall through."

Let us now proceed to examine the Voyage of Verrazano. Accord-
ing to Ribault, Verrazano originally sailed from Dieppe, though consid-
erable time appears to have elapsed before he was able to carry out his
original intention respecting a voyage to Cathay. This undertaking
was projected in 1523. Andrade [Chronica de Mnyto alto, Lisbon, 161 3)
says that the Portuguese King was informed by some of his merchants
residing in France, that Verrazano had offered his services to Francis L,
nominally for a voyage to the Indies by a new route, but really for the
purpose of plundering Brazil. The Portuguese Ambassador accord-
ingly remonstrated with Francis, but as the latter had just contracted
to marry his son to the daughter of the King of Portugal, it is not rea-
sonable to suppose that the object of Verrazano's expedition was
the plunder of the Portuguese possessions. Francis simply replied that
with respect to the fleet he would arrange all to the satisfaction of his
royal brother. April 25, 1523, Silveira, the Portuguese Ambassador,
wrote to his master : " By what I hear, Maestro Joas Verrazano, who is
going on the discovery of Cathay, has not left up to date for want of oppor-
tunity, and because of differences, I understand, between himself and

men I shall continue to doubt unless he takes his departure."

(Murphy's " Verrazzano," p. 163.) That he left there can be no doubt.
About the time Andrada wrote, there were, according to Pinello, two
versions of Verrazano's narrative accessible in Spain. Escaping from
the embargo laid for the time by Spanish spies, the fleet of four ships
went to sea. Being overtaken by a storm, Verrazano was obliged to
enter a Breton port with the "Mormanda" and " Dalfina," two others

THE VOYAGE OF VERRAZANO 26 1

apparently being lost. After making repairs he sailed to the Spanish
coast, and eventually departed upon his discovery with the " Dalfina,"
the Captain of the other ship leaving Verrazano to go alone. This was
doubtless the final result of the quarrels between Verrazano and his men
reported by Silveira. The affair appears to be alluded to by Carli where
he says : " Brunelleschi, who went with him, and unfortunately turned
back, unwilling to follow him farther, when he hears of it [the voyage],
will not be well pleased." In this curious* and unexpected manner does
the concurrent testimony of widely separated writers attest the authen-
ticity of the voyage.

January 17th, 1524, Verrazano sailed from a barren rock southeast
of Madeira, though Carli says, " at the end of January last he went
from the Canary Islands in search of new countries," an error which
may be accepted amongst other things as an indication that the Carli
Letter did not proceed from the same hand that penned the narrative of
the voyage. Verrazano steered westward until February 24th, when
he met a " hurricane, and afterwards veered more to the north." March
7th he saw land " never before been seen by any one either in ancient
or modern times," which he readily fancied to be the case, as he wished
for an excuse for entering upon Spanish ground. Here a significant
fact may be pointed out, namely, that in crossing the ocean he took a
direct course. In 1562 Ribault was proud of a similar achievement.
The custom for a long time afterward was to sail to Newfoundland and
coast southward, or the West Indies and thence northward. Verrazano
was on forbidden ground, and as a well-known agent of France his life
was sought wherever the Spanish flag was unfurled. He therefore took
a direct course, holding towards the west amidst sunshine and storm,
until the shores of the new continent rose above the waves. This is
something that would not have occurred to Italian forgers, or if the
bold conception had entered their minds, they would not have allowed
the fancied achievement to be stated by Carli without applause. Rhetoric
would have been summoned to tell the story of a second Columbus. Ver-
razano ran down the coast fifty leagues without finding a suitable harbor.
He probably made this exploration for the purpose of ascertaining
whether or not the land seen was connected with Florida, the existence
of which country was known to all the world. In this unstudied state-
ment is found the work of an honest and intelligent explorer, who
would make it certain that his own line of observation began far enough
south to avoid missing any opening to India in the unexplored region
represented conjecturally in the Ptolemy of 15 13. Returning north-

262 THE VOYAGE OF VERRAZANO

ward, he landed and met the natives. The landfall is placed in 34 N.,
near Charleston. Evidently the calculation was a rough one. The
land " stretched to the south," which is true, though the coast trends
southwest. In this and similar statements there is no effort made to be
perfectly exact. All the distances are given on the decimal system,
showing that they were rough estimates, not indeed of the length of
straight lines from point to point, but approximate estimates of distances
sailed while coasting between given points. The country is distinctly
described as it appears to-day — the shore bordered with low sand-hills,
the sea making inlets, while beyond were beautiful fields, broad plains
and immense forests.

Sending a boat to the shore, the people fled, but by friendly signs
were induced to return. They exhibited the greatest pleasure upon
beholding the strangers, wondering at their dress, " countenances and
complexion." Thus in the same region, in 1584, Barlow says, "They
wondered marvellously when we were amongst them at the whiteness
of our skins." The color of the natives is described in the Carli version
as black and not much unlike that of the Ethiopians, while Ramusio's
version speaks of them as brown and not much unlike Saracens. That
Ramusio did not draw his version from Carli has been demonstrated
already, and the explanation of this variation is therefore the more easy.
We may suppose that Verrazano made two draughts of the Letter,
couched in different terms, and if so, the variation need not be attrib-
uted to the translators. It, however, must be noted distinctly that the
natives are not described either as Ethiopians or Saracens. Still again,
the original by Verrazano may have been, and probably was, written in
French ; in which case, writing in a foreign tongue, he may have used
terms that misled his Italian translators, calling the natives "Maures"
or " Mores," which formerly included both the African and Asiatic
races. This being supposed, one translator may have rendered the term
" Saracens " and the other " Ethiopians." In neither instance, how-
ever, is there any valid objection to the terms. The supplement to the
French dictionary by Barre (Bruxelles, 1838, p. 635) shows that the
Greeks spoke of the " Moors of Asia," and the term is still used in a
very comprehensive sense. Italian dictionaries use the word moro indis-
criminately in speaking of the people of Africa. In the journal of Par-
mentier, 1529, the inhabitants of Madagascar are called Moors, though
the island has a black race and handsome olive-colored tribes. This
journal also speaks of a " white Moor " {More blanc) as appearing with
the black-moors. (Vitet's Histoire de Normandie, vol. ii, pp. ; 7 and 80.)

THE VOYAGE OF VERRAZANO 263

The hypercriticism that has been bestowed upon this subject is, on the
whole, remarkable. The language of other writers has also been over-
looked ; for Gosnold's scribe (1602) says that some of the New England
Indians were " black, thin bearded ; " Lok calls Frobisher's Indians
" tawny Moors," and Weymouth (1605) says that the Indian women in
Maine were " well favored in proportion of countenance, though col-
ored black." Peter Martyr observes that there are " divers degrees of
blackness" as respects the races. Columbus in his first letter made
known the fact that the people of the New World were not black,
which would have been attended to by a forger. Belleforest makes Ver-
razano say that the people were like the " Mores de la Barbaric" Her-
rera, in describing Verrazano's voyage, probably out of one of the ver-
sions mentioned by Pinello, says that their color was the same as that ol
other Indians (otros Indios) Dec. III. L. VI, c. 9. These two authors did
not follow the same text, as has been hastily assumed. The Japanese
who visited Rome in 161 5 are described of a color which borders on
black {qui tire sur le noir. Archives des Voyage, I, 59). Thevet, also,
(Les Singular itez, p. 54), speaking of the natives of America, says that he
will leave it to the philosophers to say why their color " is not so burnt
(aduste) as that of the Blacks of Ethiopia." With Martyr, he recognizes
" degrees of blackness." It is time to stop trifling with the subject, for
if there were any error in the Carli Version, the text that follows would
supply the correction, since even a slight attention to its statement
would convince the reader that Verrazano was not describing negroes.
Some were " beautiful," and others were fairer or whiter than the rest,
and were straight haired. Here we have portrayed the characteristics
of Indians, not Negroes. Verrazano says that " the only exception to
their good looks is that they have broad faces." Here is the Indian
described with his enormous cheek bones, though it is added with ref-
erence to their faces, " we saw many that had sharp ones, with black
eyes." This is plainly a description that the greatest blunderer would
not apply to the black man ol the Ethiopian type. We repeat, there-
fore, that the general description forbids us from straining any special
phrase to suit the Ethiopian theory.

In describing the forests, he speaks of them as he actually saw similar
forests at a later period. The descriptions may be exaggerated, but what
early descriptions are npt exaggerated ? The variety of the forests might
well impress any European mind, as they did that of Chateaubriand ;
for in France, the adopted country of Verrazano, only about forty spe-
cies of trees attain to a height of thirty feet, while in North America

264 THE VOYAGE OF VERRAZANO

there are one hundred and forty that reach this height, a fact that gives
the key to the peculiar wealth of color which marks the spring time and
attends upon the dying year. From the previous chapter we have
already seen that Barlow, who had Verrazano's Letter in his hand,
adopted his language in describing the forests, which were not like
those of " Hercynia." Verrazano says that the forests " send forth the
sweetest fragrance to the greatest distance," while Barlow says that
before they reached the land " we smelt so sweet and so strong a smell,
as if we had been in the midst of some delicate garden, abounding with
all kinds of odoriferous flowers." (Hakluyt III, 246.)

Southward the harbors were poor, and northward they saw none,
yet the coast was not dangerous, " being free from rocks, and bold," a
description practically endorsed by Ribault, who was, however, more
successful in finding harbors. Northward Verrazano's experience
agreed with that of Barlow, who found the region harborless. Henry
Hudson and Captain Dermer met with the same experience.

Verrazano continues the description, and says that the coast appeared
to stretch toward the west, thus apparently indicating the entrance to
Chesapeake Bay. Some have supposed that " west " was written by
error for " east," yet such an inference is by no means necessary, espe-
cially as the Chesapeake appears to be indicated upon the Verrazano
Map. The language is very general. It is said they continued to coast
along the shore, which " we found stretching out to the west." Bar-
low, speaking of Wohokon, says, " this lande lay stretching itself to the
west." It is not said, however, that they followed the coast westward.
Verrazano probably means to describe only the general direction of the
course, not delaying to speak of every inlet seen. Everywhere they
saw "a multitude of fires." Barlow says the same, and observes that
they were intended by the natives to show the English their numerical
strength. Hudson also saw the fires, and named one place " Barnende
gat," the modern " Barnegat." Nor must we omit what Father White
says on this point (Force's Tracts, Vol. IV), observing as he does that
upon the arrival of his ship at the head of Chesapeake Bay, " fires were
kindled through the whole region." Verrazano states that in all this
region he saw no stone of any sort," while the coast is actually free
from stone. This is remarkable information for a Florentine forger to
possess. Perceiving nothing promising in this region, Verrazano went
northward, where he found beautiful forests. He was now passing the
shores of Maryland and Delaware. Delaware Bay is not mentioned,
though it would seem to be indicated upon the map of Hieronimo.

THE VOYAGE OF VERRAZANO 265

Verrazano could find no harbor, and remained three days " riding at
anchor on the coast." He was probably sheltered under Cape May, in
the mouth of Delaware Bay, which Dermer passed without mentioning
it in 1619, when sailing from New York to Virginia. He says : " I stood
along the coast to seek harbors, * * but being a harborless coast,
for aught we could then perceive, we found no succor until we arrived
betwixt Cape Charles and the Main, on the east side of the Bay Chester-
peak, where in a wilde road we anchored." The people at this place fled
from Verrazano, but in the grass, which, according to Ingram (1568),
accumulated from year to year, they found an old woman, and a girl of
eighteen, " very beautiful ; " also two boys. The people made their
canoes of logs, as described by Barlow and Father White (Maryland
Coll., 1874, p. 35). Verrazano saw the grapevines in profusion climbing
the trees, while Barlow, when describing the vines at Roanoke, with the
Florentine's description before him, says that they climb towards the
top of high cedars. Though writing of early spring, he says in the
Carli version that the grapes were " very sweet and pleasant," while
Hudson (1609) says that the " dryed " currants which the Indians
brought were " sweet and good." Ramusio's version says that the
grapes were dried. Which version may be the more correct is not of
the slightest consequence. That the grapes were dried is perfectly con-
sistent with the language of Carli, as shown in the previous chapter.
Possibly the language was originally exaggerated. Cortez makes Mon-
tezumas drink wine from cellars in a country where wine and cellars
were unknown. Carrier's " Relation Original" (Paris, 1867, p. 39) de-
scribes figs in Canada, while Hakluyt (III, 209) mentions dried plums.
The critic's deep concern about the grapes and the color of the natives
is really a case of much ado about nothing.

Passing along the coast of New Jersey, this course being roughly
put at a hundred leagues, the navigator next reaches the Bay of New
York. Verrazano says : " We found a very pleasant situation amongst
some steep hills, through which a very large river, deep at its mouth,
forced its way to the sea. From the sea to the estuary of the river any
ship, heavily laden, might pass, with the help of the tide, which rises
eight feet. But as we were riding at anchor in a good berth, we would
not venture up in our vessel without a knowledge of the mouth. There-
fore we took the boat, and entering the river, we found the country on
its banks well peopled, the inhabitants not differing much from the oth-
ers, being dressed out with feathers of birds of different colors. They
came towards us with evident delight, raising loud shouts of admiration.

266 THE VOYAGE OF VERRAZANO

and showing us where we could most securely land with our boat. We
passed up the river about half a league, where it formed a most beau-
tiful lake, three leagues in circuit, upon which they were rowing thirty
or more of their small boats, from one shore to the other, filled with
multitudes, who came to see us. All of a sudden, as it is wont to happen
to navigators, a violent contrary wind blew in from the sea, and forced
us to return to our ship, greatly regretting to leave this region, which
seemed so commodious and delightful, and which we supposed also
must contain great riches, as the hills showed many indications of minerals."

In 1619, Dermer was also driven away from this harbor, where
he fancied, from the account of the Indians, that he should find a passage
to the Western Sea of Verrazano. He says : " We were forced back
with contrary and overflowing winds, hardly escaping both [with] our
lives. Being thus overcharged with weather, I stood along the coast to
seek harbors." (New York Coll., 1 ser., Vol. I, p. 353.)

Of the Western Sea Verrazano makes no mention while describing
the coast between latitude 340 N. and New York, though its existence
is taken for granted in his cosmographical appendix, as will be pointed
out. Respecting the descriptions thus far, Mr. Buckingham Smith
frankly admits that " the general character of the land and its vegeta-
tion could have been so correctly described only from actual observa-
tion." This being the case, who except Verrazano could have written
the description, since it is known that Gomez (1525) did not? With
respect to the correctness of the description of New York Bay, nothing
needs to be said, as the sketch is easily recognizable. On the map of
Hieronimo this part of the coast is associated with St. Germaine, the
splendid residence of Francis I. The Bay of New York is exaggerated
as respects its size.

The next course of the Navigator was eastward. Ramusio's version
makes the distance fifty leagues, while the Carli version says eighty,
though both are exaggerations. Sailing this course along the shore of
Long Island, distinctly indicated on the map, Verrazano reached a tri-
angular shaped island, said to be ten leagues from the land, and about
the size of the famous Island of Rhodes. This must have been Block
Island, though the latter is too small, and cannot be compared to
Rhodes in size, notwithstanding the similarity in shape. As this subject
will come up in the following chapter, in connection with the Map of
Verrazano, we may simply observe now that we have no right to deny
that a man ever saw a certain island, because he erred in his estimate of
its size. The terms throughout the Letter are the loose terms often
employed by sailors.

THE VOYAGE OF VERRAZANO 267

At this point, evidently, Verrazano had reached the waters of Narra-
gansett Bay. This triangular island, which, after the mother of Francis
I., he called Luisa, occupies the same position in the map of Hieronimo
da Verrazano that Block Island holds on modern maps. Passing this
island without landing, he went on fifteen leagues more to a place in lati-
tude 41 Q 40' N. It is worthy of notice that the old interpreters of the
Letter had no difficulty in recognizing the places described. In 1583
Captain Carlisle urged the establishment of a colony near latitude 40°
N., while, as noted in the previous chapter, Gosnold sailed to this
place in 1602, with Verrazano's Letter in his hand. The Explorer
did not land upon the island of Luisa, but went forward, and found
an excellent harbor. The distance of this island from the land is
set down as ten leagues, though Block Island is not more than
five. Verrazano wrote, more or less, from recollection, and thus goes
wide of the mark. Brereton and Archer, the historians of Gosnold's
voyage, also misstate the distances, and some of their statements are
unintelligible.

Entering the harbor of Newport, Verrazano was met by twenty
canoes, full of astonished savages, who kept at a distance while they
viewed the structure of the ship and the dress of the strangers. Finally
they seemed to be satisfied with what they saw, and expressed their
feelings, Indian fashion, by shouting in chorus. By the distribution of
trinkets and toys, some of them were induced to go on board the Dal-
fina. Evidently they had never seen Europeans before, and did not
know the value of arms nor implements made of iron. The " looking-
glasses " shown them caused a smile, and they returned them as soon as
they had looked at them. Thus the Maine Indians " laughed " when
mirrors were presented them by Weymouth, 1605. Verrazano says that
these people had "two Kings, more beautiful in form and stature than
can possibly be described. One was about forty years, and the other
about twenty-four." The elder wore around his neck a large chain,
ornamented with many stones of different colors, which may have been
wampum. Their complexion is described as tawny, and " greatly resem-
bling the antique." If Verrazano had happened here at the time of the
annual mourning, he might have found them black and so described
them, as the New England Indians, as well as others, painted themselves
black at regular intervals.

Respecting the " two Kings " found by Verrazano presiding over
the people, it may be observed that the Narragansett Indians were liv-
ing under this kind of government when the English came, a century

268 THE VOYAGE OF VERRAZANO

later. Roger Williams (Key, 120) says: " Their government is mon-
archical; yet at present the chiefest government of the country is
divided between a younger Sachem, Miantunnomoh, and an elder
Sachem, Canonicus, of about four score years old, this young man's
uncle ; and their agreement in the government is remarkable." Here
we find the same order indicated by Verrazano, Canonicus and his
nephew being no doubt descendants of the Sachems who received the
Florentine with the kindness which Roger Williams declared to be an
eminent characteristic. The Letter states that " one of the two Kings
often came with his queen and many attendants to see us for his amuse-
ment ; but he always stopped at a distance of about two hundred paces,
and sent a boat to inform us of his intended visit, saying that they would
come and see our ship. This was done for safety, and as soon as they
had an answer from us, they came off, and remained a while to look
around ; but on hearing the amazing cries of the sailors, the King sent
the queen with her attendants in a very light boat [a bark canoe ?] to
wait near an island, a quarter of a league distant from us, while he
remained a long time on board."

It has been suggested that this was analogised from Peter Martyr
(Sec. 1, Lib. IV), where he describes the visit made to the brother of
Columbus by the Cacique of Xaragua and his sister, a suggestion dis-
posed of in the "Church Review" (July, 1878). If, however, such had
been the case with reference to the language, it would prove nothing,
since Martyr's descriptions of the West Indies were published twelve
years before the Letter of Verrazano was written. To show that the
Letter was not the composition of 1524, it must be shown that the
Letter quotes from some work of a later date than 1524. There is no
proof whatsoever that the author of the Verrazano Letter derived any
aid from Martyr, though if he had it would not reflect upon the authen-
ticity of the Voyage ; otherwise we should have to conclude that
Barlow made no voyage, because he plagiarized Verrazano. This
brings us to the narrative of Barlow once more, who speaks of the
degree of state observed by the savages. At Roanoake, he says, " the
King is greatly obeyed, and his brothers and children reverenced."
Again, the " King's brother's wife " when "she came to visit us (as she
did many times), was followed with* forty or fifty women always ; and
when she came to the ship, she left them all on land, saving her two
daughters, her nurse, and one or two more."

Verrazano and Roger Williams agree respecting the state maintained
by these savage potentates, and the same testimony is borne by Dermer

THE VOYAGE OF VERRAZANO 269

and Levett. The declarations of the Letter, that the savages " imitated
us with earnestness and fervor in our acts of worship," agrees with the
experience of navigators and the known politeness of the Indian (Hak-
luyt III. 221, and Herrera IV. 248). The Indians guarded their women
carefully, according to Verrazano, and Martin Pring (1603) uses Verra-
zano's Letter in speaking of this characteristic.

Verrazano relates that " on entering the woods, we observed that
they all might be traversed by an army ever so numerous," having
also noted that farther to the south the " woods are easily penetrated."
" Mourt's Relation" (1620) says that the woods are for the " most part
open," and " fit either to go or ride in." The " New English Canaan "
of Morton (1632), speaking of the country in 1622, says, " the trees grow
here and there, as in our parks, and makes the country very beautiful
and commodious." Wood, in his " New England Prospect," says that
the natives kept the forests clear. Having now entered up a rocky
region, the material of the arrow-heads changes ; and Verrazano notes
that instead of using bone, the chief material employed on the coast
southward, they used for the most part " emery, jasper and hard mar-
ble," meaning white quartz. Brereton in 1602, with Verrazano's Letter
in his hands, speaks of " emery stones" and "alabaster very white,"
which perhaps was nothing but quartz, as true alabaster does not occur.

The fruits of the country appeared to be different from those of
France and Italy, while species of trees unknown in Europe were
observed. Verrazano also mentions that the natives took the deer in
traps, one of the first facts noted by the Pilgrims when they came into
the country.

The Letter says that their dwellings were circular, and that some-
times twenty-five or thirty lived in the same house. Roger Williams
confirms the statement; while, upon the other hand, whoever wishes to
know how Indian houses were represented in Italy, should consult
Bordone's hole del Mondo, (Ed. 1528, Book I. 6) ; and for France, Thevet's
Cosmographie, (Ed. 1575, II. 1007), where a solid Romanesque architec-
ture, takes the place of the pointed style of Bordone.

This is the place where, according to the Letter, any fleet might ride
in safety. In the sketch which accompanies this chapter, it is marked
as the gulf of Refuge {del Refugio). Here Verrazano notices that the
Indians are long-lived, which is confirmed by Williams, Gosnold and
Lescarbot. (Nouvelle France, Ed. 161 2, p. 770.) The manufacture of
mats, mentioned by the Florentine, is confirmed by all writers. There
is also abundant confirmation for the statement that the natives were

270 THE VOYAGE OF VERRAZANO

" kind and charitable towards their relations, making loud lamentations
in adversity," and at their death join " in weeping, mingled with singing
for a long time." One of the most curious pieces of information given
by the Florentine, is the fact that they had a way of curing sickness
" by the heat of the fire." Roger Williams describes the process, which
consisted of putting the patient in an underground oven intensely
heated. (R. I. Coll. I. 158.) This was another curious fact for a Floren-
tine forger to know. Those who wish to learn what was actually
taught in Italy on this particular subject, may consult Benzoni. (Mondo
Nuovo. 1565, p. 55.) This "forger " appears to have indulged in a whole-
sale correction of standard Italian authorities.

The Letter is characterized by various omissions, it is true, and there
is no positive description of the aboriginal money called " Wampum," a
currency that did not become of interest to Europeans until long after
1524. Ribault (1562) says nothing about wampum, nor does Ingram
(1568), nor Barlow (1585), Pring (1603), nor the Popham Journal (1607).
Worse than all, Marco Polo, in his account of China, says nothing about
tea ; a melancholy way of writing history, the critic thinks. Verrazano
also fails to mention the use of tobacco, but this is the case with Ribault,
Barlow, Ingram and the Popham Journalist. Various writers, ^after the
example of Verrazano, fail to give any specimens of the Indian language.
So, likewise, nothing is said about bark canoes, unless indeed the " very
light boat" already referred to, was of that character, which is not
improbable. This failure to refer to the bark canoe has been considered
the "most remarkable omission of all," and the critic says that "this
light and beautiful fabric was peculiar to the Algonkin tribes." We
shall see, however, that it was not so peculiar to the New England
Indians. The truth is that the omission forms a proof of the authenti-
city of the voyage. We have at present no distinct proof that the bark
canoe was used at all on the Rhode Island coast in very early times,
while the log canoe was used all along the Atlantic coast nearly as far
east as the Bay of Fundy. It is probable that even on the Maine coast,
the bark canoe was not often used at the time of Verrazano's voyage
farther north ; where the trees were small, the use of bark was a neces-
sity. In Maine and Massachusetts the trees were large, and fire would
build a canoe, a process of naval construction which doubtless prevailed
until the introduction of steel knives and hatchets. Then the use became
divided, and where canoes were required for inland portages they were
made of bark, while for more or less of the rough coast work the log
canoe was used. Lescarbot (Nouvelle France, Ed. 161 2, pp. 561, 576)

THE VOYAGE OF VERRAZANO 27 1

describes their manufacture ; and, speaking of the visit of the French to
Saco, Maine, he says, " presently the sea was seen all covered over with
their [the Savages'] boats, laden with nimble and lusty men holding
themselves up straight in them, which we cannot do without danger,
those boats being nothing else but trees hollowed out." (Purchas IV.
1633.) The original reads, des arbres creusez. Champlain describes the
log canoe at Cape Ann, and the mode of its production (CEuvres, III. 59-
60). The log canoe, the primitive canoe of all nations, was still the
representative canoe of New England in 1604, and was the canoe of the
Rhode Island coast in 1524. The allusion to it by Verrazano was
correct. 1 Altogether the amount of curious and exact information which
he gives is remarkable, and it goes far to substantiate the authenticity of
his Letter, the curious points of which have been brought out the clearer
by adverse criticism.

Of the Harbor of Newport, Verrazano gives an exaggerated yet tol-
erable description. The wrong latitude given to it in the map will be
explained elsewhere. He describes the harbor, properly, as opening
towards the south ; and " in the midst of the entrance there is a living
rock (pieira viva) formed by nature, and suitable for the construction of
any kind of machine or bulwark for the defence of the harbor." The
island referred to is probably Goat Island, where the lighthouse now
stands; while the "shining stones, crystals and alabaster" are referable
to the brilliant lime-rocks many years ago cut away to the water's edge
by General Cullum, to build the modern forts that protect the city and
harbor.

Verrazano left the Bay of Refuge May 5th (16th, new style), and
proceeded on his cruise, sailing a hundred and fifty leagues along the
coast in sight of land, and without delay, as the wind was fair. He per-
haps went outside of the island of Martha's Vineyard, and upon reach-
ing the northern end of Cape Cod, shaped his course for the heights of
Plymouth, both to learn the character of Cape Cod Bay and to keep in
sight of land, through which he may have hoped to find a strait. In the
Letter no mention is made of Cape Cod, but that remarkable place is
depicted upon the map, together with the neighboring shoals of Nan-
tucket. Verrazano probably was the first navigator in the sixteenth
century who saw Cape Cod, which he rounded, and thus reached a
point eastward from the Harbor of Refuge. The highlands of Ply-
mouth and the Blue Hills may have been sighted, after which the course
would lie outside of Cape Ann to the borders of Eastern Maine. Here
the people appeared rude, like the country, marked on the map, " mucka

272 THE VOYAGE OF VERRAZANO

gente" The natives bartered from the rocks, and gave the French a
shower of arrows. Verrazano nevertheless forced a landing, and
examined the country. In treating the eighth course he seems still to
be describing the Maine coast, and is repeating himself, as he may have
done elsewhere. The region reminded him of the Adriatic Gulf, and a
comparison of the charts of the two regions will show that the resem-
blance is striking. Buckingham Smith applied the description to Maine,
and conceded that it was admirable. Oddly enough, however, Botero
[Relatio Universale, 1640, p. 172) confounds this region with the Gulf of
St. Lawrence, and says that Verrazano counted thirty-seven instead of
thirty-two islands, as the Florentine states, while Herrera speaks of
fifty-two.

Mr. Smith in his " Inquiry " (p. 17) says: "How any one, following
the shore to Nova Scotia — in this instance a mariner on the lookout for
a strait opening the way to Cathay, and discovering the series of islands
extending along Msasachusetts Bay eastward to Cape Sable — should
fail to get into the Bay of Fundy, is certainly beyond explanation";
while Mr. Murphy, in his " Voyage of Verrazzano " (p. 56), says that
in running this course the Florentine would have " been finally locked
in the Bay of Fundy." This might seem to prove conclusively that
Verrazano was never on the coast, since he says nothing about the Bay
of Fundy. The same argument, however, would apply to Gomez and
many others, and thus nearly all the explorers might also be banished.
With respect to Verrazano, it may here be explained again that his
description was general. Thus neither his Letter nor the Map shows
any indication of the Bay. The same is true of Gomez, who explored
the coast the year after Verrazano. The map of Ribero, as the reader
will perceive by examining the outline, shows the Penobscot River, but
eastward, beyond that point, where the peninsula of Nova Scotia should
appear, the coast is unbroken. The so-called Gulf of Maine would seem
to be represented, yet this is not so, since the cape, which many have
supposed to be Cape Cod, is simply Sandy Hook. Dr. Kohl, notwith-
standing his intense desire to find the Gulf of Maine, was obliged to
concede this point, as Cape Cod is wholly wanting in Ribero's Map.
On the other hand, Verrazano gives this famous cape, and beyond it
eastward is an indication of the gulf, with two openings still farther
east, one of which may be supposed to indicate the mouth of the Bay
of Fundy. The first unmistakable attempt to delineate the bay upon a
map was that by Homem, who made maps at Venice in 1358. This
individual had obtained tolerable ideas of the geography of the region

THE VOYAGE OF VERRAZANO 273

but he failed to put them in the proper form. The termination of Nova
Scotia is indicated upon his map (Maine Coll., s. 2, Vol. I) by the " beu
Sablom" now Cape Sable, but the Bay of Fundy is greatly exaggerated.
The entire coast line between the Penobscot and the St. Croix is abol-
ished, and the space which it represents is devoted to the enlargement
of the bay. Speaking of this period, Dr. Kohl says: "None of the
great official explorers, so far as I know, had ever seen or described
Cape Sable or the Bay of Fundy." After Homem, no map appeared
showing the peninsula of Nova Scotia, until Lescarbot published his
rude map at Paris in 16 12. Champlain's draught of this peninsula, pub-
lished in 161 3, bears a striking resemblance to Homem's, showing that
both were influenced by an original map. Those who think that it must
have been a very easy task for the first navigator upon the coast should
consult Lescarbot, and observe how poorly it was done by him.

The earliest printed description of the peninsula of Nova Scotia
which the writer has found is that by Thevet, who purloined the infor-
mation from some French navigator, and gave it as his own. This
description appears to have escaped notice hitherto. At least it is not
referred to by Dr. Kohl. Writing of this country, Thevet says : " The
coast of Canada, from the Cape of Lorraine [Cape Breton] turning
towards the south, projects into the sea, as Italy does between the Adri-
atic and Ligurian Seas, forming a peninsula." This gives an exact pic-
ture of Nova Scotia, yet the knowledge this conveys does not appear to
have been utilized until the opening of the seventeenth century, when
the expedition of De Monts led to the improvement of the maps of the
coast. It may appear remarkable that this prominent feature should
have been neglected, but such is the case. Verrazano paid no more
attention to the Bay of Fundy than Gomez, Allefonsce and many others.
One reason for this possibly is found in the fact that no romance or mys-
tery was ever associated with that bay, while the Penobscot, indi-
cated on nearly every map, was credited with being the seat of a
large and wealthy city, the City of Norumbega, which held its place in
the imagination of navigators until the dream was dispelled by Cham-
plain. There is, however, no such explanation for the neglect of Cape
Cod, which, after being depicted on the Map of Verrazano and described
by Oviedo from the now lost map of Chaves, almost disappeared until
the opening of the next century. Homem, who came very near making a
valuable map, knew that such a cape as Cape Cod ought to be repre-
sented, but he gave only what he considered should be its name, " C.
deserto." The cape itself was not delineated by him, though others.

274 THE VOYAGE OF VERRAZANO

under the influence of Verrazano, showed some knowledge of its exist-
ence. Dr. Kohl fancied that Cape Cod was indicated by " C. Muchas
Isles," forgetting that this was a cape near the Penobscot, and over-
looking the fact that this name was placed by Homem east of " B. Este-
van guterres," the latter word being a misspelling of Gomez, whose
Bay was the Gulf of Maine. From these and other considerations, the
reader will perceive that the failure of Verrazano to describe the foggy
Bay of Fundy, where only the most skillful navigator is able to feel his
way, is not so remarkable after all. The wonder is that in so short a
time he should have observed so much as he did upon a new and
unknown coast. Whoever has been baffled for weeks together by the
fogs of that region will have nothing to say against Verrazano.

Verrazano next sailed northward again, making, according to Ramu-
sio's version, a hundred and fifty leagues, while according to the state-
ment of Verrazano's Cosmographical Appendix he reached the latitude
of 50 N. In the previous chapter the fact is pointed out that there is
no real disagreement on the point between the two versions of the
Letter. But whether or not he really went so far north as 50 is of little
consequence. Nevertheless it is a surprise to find any one assuming
that Verrazano meant to teach that the coast up to the limit of his
voyage was seen by him for the first time. It is true that he speaks of
seeing a land in 34 N. that was never seen before, a remark already
pointed out as exculpatory, though by no means suggested by fancy.
But the real grievance, in the eye of the critic, is found in Verrazano's
statement that he had " discovered (discopertd) seven hundred leagues
and more of new countries." The condemnation of this statement is
followed by Mr. Murphy in the "Voyage of Verrazzano," (p. 57) with a
disquisition proving that Europeans had a " prior knowledge " of those
countries. This prior knowledge cannot and need not be denied. It is
remarkable that any one should suppose this prior knowledge to be in
the slightest degree inconsistent with the statement of Verrazano, that
he had " discovered " more than seven hundred leagues of new countries.
The facts were always perfectly understood. Ramusio 2 states that
Aubert in the Pensee had visited Canada in 1508, from which time and
long before, the region of Cape Breton, Newfoundland and Labrador
was continuously visited by Basques, Bretons and Portuguese, the latter
having gone to 50 N. and probably farther. To represent either
Verrazano or Cartier as the first European who saw the country would
be absurd. When Cartier, in 1534, explored the gulf of St. Lawrence,
he was piloted to a harbor by a French vessel whose commander was

THE VOYAGE OF VERRAZANO 275

familiar with the ground. The next year, when he reached Quebec,
the natives, who had already seen more Europeans than they wished to
see, tried to frighten him away, and also used words proving that they
had been in previous communication with the French. As early as 1527
there was a considerable fleet of various nationalities that for a long
time had been accustomed to visit St. John's. These things were well-
known in Europe, where no person of the commonest geographical
information could be ignorant of what was so notorious. Every tyro
knew of the fisheries of Newfoundland and Cape Breton, and of the
fleets annually sailing thither ; therefore to suppose that the author of
the Verrazano Letter, whoever he may have been, was ignorant of the
facts, and represented the navigator as opening up a country never
before visited by Europeans, is indefensible.

The Letter, however, was written by a man conversant with science
and with the progress of maritime discovery, who, as already pointed
out, even knew that no lunar eclipse took place during the voyage of
Verrazano. What, then, did Verrazano mean, by saying that he " dis-
covered " more than seven hundred leagues of new countries? This
brings us face to face with the truth which may not be forgotten in such
a connection, namely : That the meaning of " discover " (discopertd) has
changed and narrowed since Verrazano and other earlier writers des-
cribed our coasts. Verrazano meant just what Barlow meant, when,
in 1584, he said that his expedition " discovered part of the country
now called Virginia." Again, he meant what the Dutch taught in 1614,
by saying that they had " discovered and found " " new lands between
New France and Virginia, the sea coast whereof lies between forty and
forty-five degrees." (Holland Doc. I. 11.) All this region had been
visited and mapped by both French and English, as the Dutch well
knew. The word " discover," therefore signified to explore or survey.
This was the sense in which Verrazano used the term, and it will be
impossible to force any other interpretation of his words.

It is said by Mr. Murphy in the " Voyage of Verrazzano," (p. 39, 11)
that the " Voyages Avantureux" attributed to Allefonsce, and published
in 1559, "gives almost a contemporary denial * * of the Verrazzano
discovery of the country." The view is based upon the statement of
the work in question, that the river of Norumbega " is newly discov-
ered by the Portuguese and Spaniards." This work, however, is not
the work of Allefonsce. Respecting the force of the terms, it may be
said that " newly " signifies either " recently " or " anew." If the latter,
then the declaration is that Norumbega had been rediscovered by the

276 THE VOYAGE OF VERRAZANO

Portuguese and Spaniards. If, on the other hand, it was intended to
mean that in 1559 it had lately been discovered for the first time, the
statement also gives a denial to the voyage of Allefonsce, who sailed on
the New England coast, and wrote of Norumbega nearly twenty years
before. It also discredits the voyage of Gomez in 1525, notwithstand-
ing Norumbega was the region called by his name. The truth is that all
the compiler of the work, incorrectly attributed to Allefonsce, meant
was that Norumbega had been re-explored recently by the Portuguese and
Spaniards. Still, even if the language in question did give a denial to
the Verrazano discovery, such denial would have no force, in the face of
the incontrovertible fact, that in 1529 the brother of Verrazano laid
down Norumbega upon his map, which represented the navigator's voy-
age. On this map, a copy of which was presented to Henry VIII.,
some distance southwest of Cape Breton is found " Oranbega," simply
a form of Norumbega, so variously rendered on the old charts.

Verrazano does not mention seeing any fishing vessels around Cape
Breton, and in fact may not have seen any. Ships often steam from New
York to the Irish coast to-day without sighting a sail. Yet Verrazano,
like all the world, knew that fishermen were there. Such cheap infor-
mation might well have been introduced by a forger devising an imag-
inary voyage, but it was not required on the part of a veritable explorer
like Verrazano. Therefore it is that we find him making no effort to
describe the northern regions, already so well known, while the regions
to the south, about which Europe would desire information, he describes
with the greatest particularity.

In his brief resume of the voyage Verrazano makes a poor account
of distances, which Humboldt assures us are of little use in such
connections ; while respecting the courses sailed he is hardly more
exact, only three of the many are given between Newport and New-
foundland. To criticise such a general narrative with the measuring
rod in hand, would be both unscientific and unjust. The author of the
Letter teaches that his statements in this respect are of a general char-
acter, where he informs the King that accounts of his explorations
would be found in the " book," which he hopes " may prove service-
able " to navigators, saying ; " We therefore determined our progress
from the difference of longitude, which we ascertained by various
instruments by taking the sun's altitude from day to day, and by calcu-
lating geometrically the distance run by the ship from one horizon to
another."

To recapitulate the points of the voyage of Verrazano would be to

THE VOYAGE OF VERRAZANO 277

repeat nearly the whole chapter. It must, therefore, suffice to remind
the reader of the fact, that at every stage of the exploration we have
the careful, yet unstudied narration of an actual voyager. Proceeding
from south to north, the character of the country, the people and its
productions, undergo their proper changes. This takes place without
any effort on the part of the writer to indicate that his knowledge is
superior. The most curious facts are stated without any triumph or
ostentation. The spirit of the literary forger is nowhere to be found.
In the description of the voyage is discovered a simple, plain and modest
attempt to state in general terms what the navigator observed in passing
along the coast of a new and unexplored country. The truthfulness of
his narrative has been attested by witnesses of the greatest value, since
no higher compliment can be paid to a traveler than to have his des-
criptions recognized as truthful, and copied by those who come after
him. This, however, was done by successive writers and observers for
nearly a hundred years, during which time the achievements of Verra-
zano exerted a marked influence upon American exploration. Thus the
Dieppe Captain, AUefonsce, Ribault, Barlow, Archer and Gosnold all
give the highest testimony to the authenticity of the voyage, which
adverse criticism has assailed in vain.

B. F. DE COSTA

1 See Steinitz on " The Ship; " Pinkerton's Voyages (XIII) ; De Bry's "Perigrinationes in
Americam" (Pars I, ed. 1590, Plate 12).

2 If Ramusio "worked over" the Letter of Verrazano, why did he not square the statements
of the Letter with the voyage of Aubert and others, which he published in the same work with
Verrazano's ?

2J%

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF PHILIP
VAN CORTLANDT

BRIGADIER-GENERAL

IN THE CONTINENTAL ARMY.

Communicated by Dr. Pierre C. Van Wyck.

This is to certify to all whom it may
concern, that General Philip Van Cort-
landt, of the Town of Cortlandt, in the
County of Westchester and State of New
York, eldest son of Pierre Van Cortlandt
and Joanna Livingston his wife, was
born in the City of New York in a house
in Stone Street, near the Fort, on the
21st day of August, old style, 1749, which
makes his anniversary birthday the 1st
day of September, new style.

Shortly after the decease of his grand-
father, the Hon. Philip Van Cortlandt,
he was born, and his father and mother
removed to their Manor of Cortlandt and
possessed the house and lot at Croton,
the house having been built, and togeth-
er with the lot of land, given in entail to
the said Pierre Van Cortlandt during his
life, then to his eldest son. The above
is as related to the son by the father and
mother, who now certifies of his own
knowledge and memory as follows : — I
remember three sisters, Catherine, Cor-
nelia and Gertrude; the last died when
about eleven years old. I remember
three brothers, Gilbert, Stephen and
Pierre ; Stephen died in the year 1775,
after I left him at Croton when I went
as Lieutenant-Colonel in the Revolu-
tionary army. The youngest sister,
Ann, was born at Croton, where all my
brothers and sisters were born. My sis-
ter Catherine was married to Abraham
Van Wyck, son of Theodorus Van Wyck
of New York, and has three sons; the

youngest, Philip G. Van Wyck, was born
after the death of his father. Sister
Cornelia married Gerard G. Beekman,
Jr., son of Gerard G. Beekman, of New
York, and has had three sons and one
daughter, Gerard, Pierre Cortlandt, Ann
and Stephen. Pierre Cortlandt was a
very fine, good young man ; he died in
the West Indies. Her husband died at
the Mills, where she now resides. Sister
Ann married Philip S. Van Renselear,
who was a long time Mayor of Albany;
he died in the year 1824 at his house in
Albany, where my sister now resides.
My brother Gilbert died in New York
in the 29th year of his age of a white
swelling, which, by improper treatment
through the ignorance of a doctor,
brought on a mortification of which he
died — a truly patient and penitent man.
My Brother Pierre married Catherine
Clinton, who died without issue. He
then married Ann Stevenson, who died
after leaving a son Pierre, who is a fine
youth, and I hope will live and become
a fine and worthy man.

In my youthful days my father had a
small school-house built on this farm
about half a mile from the house, where I
was taught, in company with my sisters
and brothers and a few children of the
neighbors, by a common schoolmaster,
to read, write badly, and something of
arithmetic until the age of fifteen, when
I was sent to Coldenham Academy,
under the tuition of a young Scotchman
whom Cadwalader Colden had employed
to conduct the school. His name was
William Adams, who afterwards became
a doctor, and died in Mount Pleasant.
I remained with Adams about nine
months and applied closely to my

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

279

studies, and learned arithmetic, survey-
ing, mensuration, book-keeping, dialing,
guaging and logarithms, &c, &c. On
hearing of the death of my uncle and
friend, Captain Samuel Livingston, my
mother's brother who was drowned at
sea, I left the academy and was fre-
quently engaged with Nathaniel Merritt,
a surveyor, who was mostly in the em-
ploy of my father and his friends, until
I became a practical surveyor myself,
and was frequently employed by heirs of
my great-grandfather, Stephanus Van
Cortlandt, surveying and disposing of
lands in the Manor of Cortlandt. I was
also engaged in the milling business by
the assistance and approbation of my
father, and also in keeping a small retail
store.

During this period my father was a
member of the Legislature, and one of
the number opposed to the odious
encroachments of the Crown, and when
every art and address was made use of
to seduce members to join their party,
I remember Governor Tryon came on a
visit, bringing his wife and a young lady,
who was a daughter of the Hon. John
Watts, a relation of my father's, and
Colonel Edmund Fanning, his friend
and secretary ; and after remaining a
night he proposed a walk, and after pro-
ceeding to the highest point of land on
the farm, being a height which affords
a most delightful prospect, the Governor
commenced with observing what great
favors could be obtained if my father
would relinquish his opposition to the
views of the King and Parliament
of Great Britain, what grants of land
could and would be the consequence
in addition to other favors of immense

consequence, &c, &c. My father then
observed that he was chosen a represen-
tative by unanimous approbation of a
people who placed a confidence in his
integrity to use all his ability for their
benefit and the good of his country as a
true patriot, which line of conduct he was
determined to pursue. The Governor
then turned to Colonel Fanning and
said : " I find that our business here
must terminate, for nothing can be
effected in this place, so we will return;"
which they did by taking a short and
hasty farewell, and embarked on board
the sloop and returned to New York ;
this was in the year 1774. Previous to
this Governor Tryon had introduced
the raising of companies of militia and
granting commissions to officers as
Tryon's Guards, and amomg them sent
me a commission as Major, and as* such
I exercised the regiment in the Manor
of Cortlandt, of which James Ver Planck
was Colonel. I was also frequently
taken by my Tory relations to dine at
the Fort with the Governor, and at other
times with their own families, hoping,
perhaps, to prejudice me in their favor.
But they were mistaken ; for in the spring
of the year 1775, observing that a crisis
was fast approaching, when it would be
necessary to take an active position
either for or against our country, I did
not hesitate, but immediately declared
my intention of risking all my property
and life, if necessary, in the defence of
my country. I did so, and was elected
in the County of Westchester, in which
I lived, a member of the State Conven-
tion. The battle at Lexington and Con-
cord having taken place, and Ethan
Allen having taken Ticonderoga, and

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ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

Congress having determined to send
troops to Canada, I was solicited to
take a command as Lieutenant-Colonel
under James Holmes, in the Fourth
Battalion of New York Troops, to be
commissioned by John Hancock, Presi-
dent of Congress, and Richard Mont-
gomery to be the General in command.
My assent was no longer withheld than
to obtain the full approbation of my
parents, which was immediately complied
with, and I received the commission
dated the 18th of June, 1775, an d was
ordered on command, without loss of
time, to Albany, there to discipline,
equip and forward on the troops, having
left at my departure my two brothers,
Gilbert and Stephen, at the point of
death with the malignant sore throat,
one of which I never saw afterward, as
Stephen died a few days after my depar-
ture, in his fifteenth year. Thus I left
my friends and all my property, among
which was a store of goods and debts
due me from an abandoned set of Tories,
almost all of which became a total loss.
My anxiety and trials were, from the
time I received the commission, many,
considering my youth and inexperience.
The first was at Newtown, on Long
Island, where I mustered a company
under command of Captain Abm. Riker;
the men had enlisted under a promise
of clothing, &c, and requested of me if
they could depend on having them, when
upon hearing the negative, they all
walked off, said they were sorry but
could not continue, whereupon I gave
them my promise that I would furnish
them out of my own purse, on which
they returned with cheers of applause.
My next business was to inform the

Convention in New York what I had
promised, which produced the desired
resolution, that not only that company,
but all the troops should be provided
with clothing, &c, as I had prescribed
for them. My next trouble was at
Albany, for on the arrival of recruits
without arms or tents, I had first to
detain the sloop that brought them, or
hire houses to accommodate them all,
which I had to advance pay for at a
high price, and to keep them with me,
to advance my own money and borrow of
a friend sufficient to pay one dollar each
to upwards of 350 soldiers. At length
I took possession of what I found out
to be the King's store, which I made use
of as a barrack for the men, but want of
more cash at length produced a serious
mutiny, and at the time when I received
the disagreeable news of my brother's
decease. Having perused the letter
giving the information, I dismissed the
parade, consisting of about 400 men as
yet without arms, and retired to my room,
grieving for the loss of my favorite
brother. In about one hour two of my
officers came and informed me that 181 of
the men had gone off, and that all the
rest were preparing to follow them unless
I could prevent them. I took my sword
in my hand, and went with them to the
barracks, where I found the men in great
disorder ; but passing that all might see
me, without speaking to any of them,
until I had resolved how to conduct
myself so as first to alarm, then to soothe
their passions in my favor if possible, I
therefore enjoined it on the two officers
to prevent, by seizing my hands, any
injury to be done to any one with my
sword, which I am happy to say was ef-

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

28l

fected, and all in a few minutes became
my friends, and volunteers brought back
the deserters, who were pardoned by
and with the consent of Colonel Van
Schaack, who fortunately arrived to my
assistance. All the troops having passed,
I followed, although unwell, to Ticon-
deroga, where I was confined with a
fever, and for some time at the point of
death, and in my convalescent state,
General Schuyler brought me to his house
in Albany, after which he permitted me
to return and visit my friends during
the remaining part of the winter, and
until I should receive further orders.
During this period my Colonel, James
Holmes, left our service, and Colonel
Jacobus Wynkoop was appointed to
take the command of the Fourth
Regiment, and early in the spring of
1776, ordered to command at Ticon-
deroga. Not hearing from General
Schuyler, I went to New York and waited
on the Commander-in-Chief, General
Washington, who expected the British
Army from Boston intended to attack
the City of New York, who gave me
orders to go to General Schuyler, where
I should be directed how the regiment
should be disposed of, either to the
north, or to join the grand army under
his command. The result was, General
Schuyler sent me to my regiment at Ti-
conderoga, when our army retreated
from Canada. General Gates arrived
and commanded at Ticonderoga, and
sent Colonel Wynkoop to Skenesbor-
ough, myself being ordered on a court-
martial continued for the trial of Colo-
nel Moses Hazen, arrested by General
Arnold for disobedience of orders. I
remained time sufficient to discover the

vile conduct of Arnold, in procuring a
vast quantity of goods from the mer-
chants of Montreal, which he intended,
and which I believe was appropriated to
his benefit, and also for improper con-
duct before the court. He would have
been arrested himself, but escaped by
procuring an order from General Gates
to send me, the morning after the court
had adjourned, to Skenesborough, by
which means the court was dissolved,
Hazen released from arrest, and Arnold
escaped censure which he ought to have
had.

On my arrival at Skenesborough, I
found my Colonel, Wynkoop, very un-
well, and he directed me to command
and forward on the troops arriving from
Connecticut and elsewhere, also to direct
and superintend the building of three
row gallies on the stocks, at the time
under the direction of three ship car-
penters. I continued in command until
taking the fever and ague, and Colonel
Wynkoop recovered so as to command
himself; I obtained a furlough from
General Gates to ride south for the re-
covery of my health. I therefore left
camp and proceeded on south until I
arrived at the head-quarters of General
Washington, near Kingsbridge, at the
house of my kinsman, Colonel James
Van Cortlandt, the day the British
landed at Throg's Neck, where a partial
engagement took place, and the General
said he had lost about thirty men. I
remained a few days as aid to the Com-
mander-in-Chief, and paid a visit to
Lieutenant-Colonel Weissenfels, of the
Second New York Regiment, Colonel
Ritzema being absent pretending to be
unwell. Finding myself much relieved

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ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

from the ague, I took leave of General
Washington and returned ; but having
been overtaken with rain the fever was
renewed, and at Rhinebeck the landlord
of the tavern gave me Port wine in
which bitter herbs were infused, that was
so powerful as to deprive me of under-
standing for ten minutes, which much
alarmed my friend, Mr. Bell, and also
the landlord, fearing I would never re-
cover ; but thank God I did recover
and have not been troubled with ague
since that time. I then returned to
Skenesborough in perfect health.

After I left General Washington, the
battle of White Plains took place, and
the Second New York Regiment, under
the command of Lieutenant-Colonel
Weissenfels, was engaged, Colonel Ritze-
ma being absent about four or five miles
in the rear, either from cowardice or
disaffection, perhaps both, for he short-
ly after, discharging many of the men
enlisted for the war, absconded himself
by going to the enemy in New York,
soon after which an express arrived at
Skenesborough with a commission from
Congress. This commission was sent
by General Washington by express, and
was of his own direction, having been
furnished with blanks from Congress
signed by John Hancock, President, for
him to fill up as he thought proper, ap-
pointing me Colonel of the Second New
York Regiment, dated 30th of Novem-
ber, 1776. I then, after taking an affec-
tionate leave of Colonel Wynkoop, set
away in search of my Regiment. Pas-
sing through New Jersey with my ser-
vant and friend, Mr. Seabring, I was
near being being captured by the enemy
at Pluckemin. I passed from a friend's

house, near Pluckemin, who sheltered
me a night, to New Germantown, and
saw my sister Catharine a few days be-
fore she lay in with the birth of her
eldest son, Theodore. I then proceeded
on, crossing the Delaware, and arrived
at the cross roads in Bucks County, in
the State of Pennsylvania, on the eve-
ning of the 24th of December. The
next morning my horse was foundered
in such a bad manner as not to proceed.
In the course of the day Captain Benj.
Pelton, of the Second New York Regi-
ment came, and, suspecting that the
capture of the Hessians at Trenton was
contemplated by General Washington,
I took my servant's horse, and with the
Captain, proceeded towards Trenton.
A storm of hail, snow and rain came
on and I lost my way, but seeing, after
some time, a light, I made a house
where a Quaker lived, and he informed
me that I was three miles from Trenton
and perhaps might get lost again, but was
welcome to remain with him. I did so,
and at the break of day heard the firing,
which soon terminated in the capture of
the enemy. I saw the prisoners, and
Colonel Weissenfels informed me that
General Washington had ordered him to
Fishkill in order to recruit the regiment,
and was then on his march for that pur-
pose. I told him to proceed, and after
my horse recovered, I would follow and
join him, which I did, after making a
short visit in Philadelphia, and passing
through Morristown, paying my respects
to the Commander-in-Chief after the
battle of Princeton, on which account,
as well at the capture of the Hessians at
Trenton, I had the pleasure to congrat-
ulate him, although I had not the good

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

283

fortune to be present. On parting from
the General he directed me to use exer-
tion to recruitanddisciplinemy regiment,
so as to be ready for active service in the
ensuing spring. I then proceeded on to
Fishkill and sent out several recruiting
parties who enlisted several men, but not
equal to my expectation ; however, I was
ordered in the spring of 1 7 7 7 to Peekskill,
together with the Fourth Regiment, now
under the command of Colonel Henry B.
Livingston, who was promoted on the
resignation of Colonel Wynkoop. It was
not long before a number of British ships
and transports appeared, and landed
a considerable force, much superior
to our troops, when General McDougal,
who commanded, ordered our troops
to take post on Gallows Hill, about two
miles in the rear, which movement per-
mitted the enemy to effect their object,
which was to destroy the stores which
we could not remove, and burn a
schooner which belonged to me and
worth $750, for which I could never
obtain compensation. They remained
until we received a reinforcement under
Lieutenant-Colonel Willet, who made a
successful attack on their advance guard,
when they retired to the ships and went
away.

Shortly after, on the arrival of parts
of Colonels Chandler and Durkee's reg-
iments from the eastern states, I was
ordered with a select battalion to cross
the Hudson and proceed on the west
side to the town of Bergen, opposite to
the City of New York, capture the
enemy's guards, if any were found in
my route, of which I did surprise one
sergeant's guard, but captured only three
men, in or near the town, and brought

off all the black cattle and horses, to a
considerable number, out of the power
of the enemy, without sustaining any
loss, much to the approbation of Gene-
ral McDougal and Major-General Put-
nam, whose Aide-de-Camp — Colonel
Aaron Burr — informed me that during
my absence Colonel Livingston had been
ordered on command to the White
Plains with his regiment and many of
my men, but had left our tents in charge
of a small guard, and that General Put-
nam's orders were that I should take
the remaining men, leaving our tents
standing, as Livingston had done, and
follow him. I answered, as I was the
eldest in rank, it was using Colonel
Livingston very unkindly to supersede
him before he had committed any fault.
He replied that the General would
write a letter of apology, and, as I was
better acquainted with the country, I
must proceed. I collected the men to the
number of about 150, and officers, and
marched that afternoon, hoping to
surprise a galley at Teller's point, which I
should have accomplished that night if
the man who was to have taken cattle on
board had arrived in time ; he did not,
and I was disappointed. I then pro-
ceeded on, and after Colonel Livingston
received the letter General Putnam sent,
requested that he might go to head-
quarters and procure an order for a
board of officers to settle our rank. I
consented, and he left me in command
of about 500 men, rank and file, and
was soon reinforced by a Captain Webb
and a troop of thirty-six horse, and a
Captain's company of nine months' men,
making my command about 600 effective
men. During my command on the lines

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ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

opposing a line of redoubts, extending
from Morrisania to the North River on
the heights, contiguous to each other,
amounting to five in number; and Fort
Washington, about three miles nearer to
New York, to about 2,500 men in all,
and my nearest reinforcement twenty-
five miles distant to Peeksville, and
my command at no time more than
ten miles distant from them, and fre-
quently in sight of one of the redoubts,
caused my duty to be exceeding severe.
I shifted my quarters often, for if they
could ascertain where to find me at
night, they might surround me in a few
hours and attack me with three times
my number, but they could not find an
opportunity. In daylight I always de-
fied and thus kept them within their
works. Thus, for seven weeks I re-
mained guarding the neutral ground,
once alarming all their redoubts at day-
break and one of them at another time.
One morning a Mr. Williams, son of
Erasmus Williams, came to me in East
Chester ; said he had been a prisoner in
the New Gaol, New York, for several
months, but was sent by an aid of Gen-
eral Howe on his promise to carry a
letter to General Burgoyne, which he
took from a fold where it was sewed in
his coat, in the words following, on a
small piece of silk paper :

To General Burgoyne:

Our destination is changed. Instead of going
to S. D., we shall in three days sail for B. N.
Regulate your conduct accordingly.

Howe.

I asked if General Howe knew that
his father was one of the State Conven-
tion of New York. He said he had
informed him, but he gave no writing,

and his determination was to carry the
letter to the first officer he found. I
sent him to General Putnam, and never
saw him after. Shortly after, I received
an order to attend headquarters (at

B .) I set off immediately, crossed

Kings Ferry, and met near it a person
who informed me that headquarters was
passing through Smith's Clove, but as I
might find the road filled with troops
passing, I might by a short road through
the mountains arrive at Jones' tavern
as soon as their advance could. I did
so, and about sunset saw Generals
Greene and Knox, who detained me ;
and before I retired to sleep I told them
of Williams and the letter which I sent
to General Putnam, who showed them
the resolves of Congress as to York.

In the morning they both accompa-
nied me to headquarters, where we
found General Washington at breakfast
with a great number of officers. Gen-
eral Greene sat with his Excellency
some short time, and retired from the
table. He then returned and sent me
to the Commander-in-Chief, who made
enquiry respecting my command in
Westchester, on the lines, and if I had
seen a fleet sail up the Sound. I
answered that I had seen two or three
hundred shallops, escorted by an armed
brig and schooner, going to Lloyd's
Neck for forage for the fleet destined to
the Chesapeake, and then mentioned
the letter of Williams, and wished that
the Court of Enquiry respecting Liv-
ingston's rank might take place, as I
was anxious to return to my command.
He answered: "As to the rank it is
already settled ; I wish you immediately
to return to your command ; " which I

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

285

did, after taking leave of Generals
Greene and Knox. On my return that
morning I met Colonel Livingston, and
to his enquiries I referred him to Gen-
eral Washington, who had sent me back
to my command. So we parted ; and
the army, I soon heard, was marching
towards Philadelphia.

Shortly after my arrival on the lines I
received orders to march to Albany,
which I performed by first marching by
land to Fishkill, where we received a
small supply of necessaries, and em-
barked on board sloops, having both
the Second and Fourth regiments under
my command, and passing Albany, en-
camped with the Hampshire troops
above the Cohoes Falls, at a place called
Loudon's Ferry, where I remained two
days, and was ordered to advance to the
relief of Fort Stanwix, now besieged by
St. Leger, a British officer, and Indi-
ans. General Poor permitted me to
take his wagons as far as Schenectady,
when they returned to him. I then
applied to Henry Glenn, the Quarter-
master, but was detained almost all day
Sunday before I could proceed ; how-
ever, I marched on until information
was received that the enemy had retired
and General Arnold was returning —
Lieutenant-Colonel Willett had made a
sally from the fort and harrassed the
rear of the enemy, &c. I then was or-
dered to join General Poor and the
New Hampshire troops at Van Schaack's
Island, and continued annexed to that
brigade on our advance to Stillwater,
where our army made a stand to oppose
Burgoyne's army now approaching, but
made a stand at Saratoga. Our army
was encamped : our right on the river and

extending west, Morgan's Riflemen the
extreme and Poor's brigade next, mak-
ing part of General Arnold's command.
One day at dinner [Sep. 17] with Gen-
eral Arnold, we were informed that the
enemy had a reconnoitering gun-boat,
that proceeded every night down the river
in sight of our advance guard and then
returned ; upon which I observed, if 1
was permitted to take a command of my
men I would that night capture them, if
a few bateaux with muffled oars could
be fitted for me. He answered, " pre-
pare your men, four boats are at your
service." I proceeded as far up as Fish
Creek, where I concealed my boats and
waited the aproach of the gun-boat,
which did not arrive ; the reason was
the enemy had, the day previous, ad-
vanced from Saratoga and was en-
camped south west from blind Moore's,
at whose house, about half a mile from
me, they had an advance guard which my
patroling officer discovered. I then re-
solved to surprise that guard, not know-
ing that their army was near. I moved
to the south-west in order to surround
them, which brought me to a fence where
I halted my men, and in order to ascer-
tain the best place to make my attack on
the guard, I advanced in company with
Mathew Clarkson [since made a General]
in the field. The morning being very fog-
gy, I did not see the sentinels of the ene-
my until I had passed and was challenged,
but an owl croaking deceived the sentinel,
and we stood still until I discovered we
were near the tents of the enemy, who
were lightingup their firesasfaras I could
discover, and was certain all their army
was there, with their right wing extend-
ing south west a considerable distance.

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I then retired silently to the road I had
just left, near the river, and stopped at a
house on an eminence, which was empty,
and sent a non-commissioned officer ex-
press to inform Generals Arnold and Poor
and Colonel Morgan that the enemy
were advancing, so that they might make
arrangements immediately to check their
advance, which was done, for Colonel
Morgan had a skirmish with their ad-
vance guard the same day which had the
desired effect, of forcing them to the left,
nearer the river, and more in our front,
which was a fortunate circumstance, for
had they that day passed our left, they
might, by a forced march, have pro-
ceeded to Albany, for they would have
had possession of the heights all the
way, and we must have approached
them with disadvantage, but as it was, the
next day we met their advance on equal
ground, and a severe engagement was the
consequence. I am happy to say that my
discovery of the enemy's advance saved
the capture of the City of Albany.

On the forenoon of the 19th of Sep-
tember, the enemy was discovered mov-
ing towards our left, and the action
commenced first with Colonel Morgan's
riflemen, and reinforced by regiments,
one after another, as the enemy also rein-
forced, until the battle became very
general, although conducted by the
Colonels until about two o'clock. My
regiment was ordered to march on, keep-
ing to the left, in order to oppose their
right, and to engage if I found it neces-
sary, and if I did, that the regiment
commanded by Colonel Livingston, who
had joined me but two days before,
should reinforce me ; this order was
given me first by General Poor on my

parade ; and as I was marching also,
by General Arnold. I discovered their
advance far from their main body, and
was determined to attack them and ar-
rest their progress, and sent by the Adjut-
ant Lieutenant Marshall to inform Colo-
nel Livingston, and direct him to sup-
port me, which order he disobeyed and
fell off to the right, leaving me to con-
tend first with the Hessians' advance of
riflemen which I defeated, and who run
off ; but their place was instantly sup-
plied by the British light infantry, whom
we fought upwards of an hour, at which
time the Hessians had rallied and gained
my left ; and finding it necessary to fall
back with my left, so as to prevent their
gaining on it, and to oppose my front to
both in case they persisted, the sun hav-
tng now set, and my position a favorable
one — on a foot-path which I had ob-
served at the foot of falling ground, at
least three feet lower than the level I
had fought them on — and had time to
direct my officers to wait their approach,
it being now dark, and not fire until the
enemy did, and then directly below the
flash of the enemy's fire, which was
done, and proved sucessful, as the ene-
my's fire went over our heads and our
fire had full effect, they being very near
before they discovered us — I suppose
not more than four or five rods. My
loss of killed and wounded was two out
of eleven ; Colonel Cilley's, of our brig-
ade, by the field return made the next
day, was one out of seven, and his was
more than any other regiment engaged,
except mine, and he fought from the
first of the action, being near to Colonel
Morgan when it commenced. After my
fire had injured the light infantry we

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

28 7

soon parted, he [their commander]
marched to his encampment and I re-
turned to mine, so we informed each
other at Albany, when I met him after
the surrender (he having a parole and
I leave of absence for a few days) ; and
he told me the last fire injured him very
severely, more than any all the day.

The enemy did not attempt any
further movement until the 7th day of
October, when they advanced and were
met by our army, and a very severe
engagement took place, I being yet with
Poor's Brigade and advancing, the
British retiring towards their battery, as
the Hessians were towards theirs. Gen-
eral Arnold, now in the field and in
sight of their nine gun battery, sent his
aid to the right, ordering General Poor
to bring his men into better order as we
were pursuing ; this order arrested our
progress and prevented our taking the
British battery in less than ten minutes,
as we should have entered it almost as
soon as the British, as Morgan did that
of the Hessians, which Arnold discov-
ered after sending the above order to
General Poor, and as he had also sent
another order to the left by his other
aid, he now rode as fast as he could to
counteract his own orders, hurrying on
the left, and entered the Hessian bat-
tery, where he was wounded. Finding
it too late after the British had gained
their battery and rallied after their
panic, and could again fire their cannon
at us (which they could not do when
they were running before us) we found
it too late and had orders to retire to our
encampment, it being near night. The
next morning our brigade was ordered
out at daybreak, and we found that the

enemy was gone from the battery and
had retired towards the left, keeping
possession of the highlands near the
river, which were defended by works
and mounted cannon, near which Gen-
eral Lincoln was wounded. The fol-
lowing night they retreated to Saratoga,
where they surrendered a few days after-
wards. As no further fighting could be
expected there, I accompanied Adjutant
General Wilkinson to Albany, and re-
mained until the arrival of General
Poor's brigade, who had orders to pro-
ceed down the Hudson, with two brass
24-pounders, to annoy the fleet and
army which were burning Kingston and
houses as far up as Red Hook.

The brigade marched near the river
until we found that the enemy had
retired ; then we took the main road
near to Kinderhook, and upon General
Poor being taken sick and unable to
command, I, being the eldest officer,
marched to Fishkill, and delayed a few
days for the men to cure for the itch in
the barracks at that place with hogs
fat and brimstone ; the York troops in
the upper and the Hampshire troops
in the lower barracks. Going one eve-
ning to visit a friend, I had to pass
the lower barracks, where the New
Hampshire troops were stationed, when,
coming within sight, I met several
soldiers bearing in a blanket Captain
Beal, one of the officers, who was
wounded, of which he died the next
day. On inquiry, I found he had at-
tempted to stop the troops who had
mutinied and were on the march,
headed by a Sergeant, whom the Captain
had run through the body with his sword,
and the Sergeant, as he fell, fired and

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ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

shot the Captain ; so they both died.
In the confusion I came and had the
address to restore order by alluring
them first back to their parade by the
barracks, which was near, and then in a
long harangue or speech pointing out
the impropriety of their conduct, and
promising pardon when the General
should arrive. I succeeded in having
my order obeyed when I sent them to
their barracks. The General did not
overtake me until we arrived in Penn-
sylvania, when we joined the army
under General Washington. We re-
mained at White Marsh until the enemy
came out to Chestnut Hill, when, after
some skirmishing and the loss of my
friend, Major Morris, of Colonel Mor-
gan's Riflemen, we marched and crossed
the Schuylkill, and halted at Valley
Forge. Shortly after our arrival it
pleased his Excellency General Wash-
ington to send me with a battalion on
the lines to a place called Radner
Meeting House, nine miles from the
City of Philadelphia, and about twenty-
four miles in advance of the encamp-
ment at Valley Forge, where I remained
a considerable time when relieved ; and
as soon as it was ascertained that the
enemy intended to leave Philadelphia,
General Hand, the Adjutant General,
came and informed me that I was to
remain when the army marched, and to
have the command of and superintend
the encampment. This I told him could
not be ; for the roster could not so
soon, after my command at Radner on
the lines, bring me again for duty, and
informed him that I would go and make
my complaint to the Commander-in-
Chief. He smiled, and said " Do so."

I went ; but after saying what I thought
sufficient respecting an engagement,
&c, was convinced that it was his
selection, saying to me : " Sir, this is
an important command, &c." And the
General further observed that it was
not always convenient to have recourse
to the military roster when a confiden-
tial officer was wanted for a particular
purpose.

When the army marched there were
upwards of 3,000 men left in the en-
campment and at the hospitals, of which
number I sent off about 2,500, the rest
being truly so unwell as not to be able.
There I remained during the battle at
Monmouth Court House ; my regiment
was engaged and behaved well, and I
could have been happy if present, but
was doing what the General had directed,
and of course doing my duty.

The fever raged violently, and I lost
my friends Dr. Haviland and Captain
Ryker, my old faithful servant and sol-
dier, Mr. Lent, besides many others. The
fever resembled the yellow fever. After
forwarding my returns to his excellency,
and being relieved by Colonel Craig, of
the Pennsylvania line, I took a turn to
visit the City of Philadelphia, on my
way to join my regiment, which I found
encamped with the main army at the
White Plains (this was during General
Sullivan's and General Lafayette's expe-
dition on Rhode Island) ; and on our
retiring, while we lay at Fredericksburg, I
applied for a furlough to visit my friends;
the General said, when Colonel Living-
ston came to camp he would indulge
me, and asked me to dine with him the
next day. I went, and the General in-
formed me that Colonel Livingston had

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

289

arrived, and although he had been ab-
sent almost all the campaign, came to
ask leave of absence. When the Gene-
ral refused, he took his commission from
his pocket and handed it to the General,
who, although he felt indignant at such
behavior, replied : "It is not my prac-
tice to receive resignations, but you are
at liberty to go and resign your commis-
sion to Congress;" and said, "he has
just left me for that purpose." And on
obtaining a furlough, I paid a visit to
see my friends for a few days, when
being informed by Governor Clinton,
that he had requested of General Wash-
ington to send my regiment to guard the
frontiers, where Brant, the Indian, was
making depredations, having already
burned and destroyed several houses,
and murdered men, women and children,
I immediately went to my regiment,
then near Poughkeepsie, and proceeded
across the North River as far as Roches-
ter, in Ulster County, and placed a
guard at Laghawack, where 1 had a
block-house, and cautioned my men, so
as to effectually guard the frontiers in
that county during the winter of 1778
and 1779.

In the spring of 1779, having infor-
mation that Brant was stationed at Coke
house, on the Delaware, I took about
two hundred and fifty men and set off
to surprise him. However, on the march
an express from General Washington
overtook me with orders to proceed to
Fort Penn, in the State of Pennsylvania,
there to receive orders from General
Sullivan. I returned, and was prepar-
ing for my march, first sending for the
militia to take my place ; this was the
third day of April. In the morning, as

I was about marching from my encamp-
ment, having called in my guard from
the block-house at Laghawack, I discov-
ered smoke rising from the village, about
six miles south, and a lad sent from its vi-
cinity informed me that the Indians were
there burning and destroying. It was
occasioned by two of my men deserting
in the mountains when I had received
the order to return, for they went to
Brant, and informed him that I was or-
dered away, and he expected that I was
gone, for it took several days before I
had received wagons, &c, and for Col.
Cantine to come on with the militia,
who arrived in the course of that day.
On my approach Brant ran off. He had
about 150 Indians, and as I approached
him, he being on the hill, seeing me lean-
ing against a pine tree, waiting the clos-
ing up of my men, he ordered a rifle
Indian to kill me, but he overshot me,
the ball passing three inches over my
head. I then pursued him, but could not
overtake him, as he ran through a large
swamp beyond the hill, and Col. Cantine
being also in pursuit, I returned, not
having any prospect of overtaking him.
The second day after pursued my march
to Fort Penn as ordered by the Com-
mander - in - Chief, and there received
Gen. Sullivan's orders, who sent me re-
inforcements to make a road through
the wilderness to Wilkesbarre, on the
Susquehanna, being thirty miles, and
passing the Great Swamp, which duty
was performed with 600 men in thirty
days. On my arrival I took post ad-
vanced of the troops under the com-
mand of General Hand, and waited the
arrival of General Sullivan, who marched
on the road I had made with Gen. Max-

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ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

well's and General Poor's brigades. Our
army proceeded up the River Susque-
hanna to Tioga Point, where I was or-
dered to meet Gen. Clinton, who was on
his march from Lake Otsego, and joined
him at Owego, and accompanied him
to Tioga.

After some skirmishing with the In-
dians at Chemung, we arrived near New-
town, where Brant and Butler had
determined to make their stand and op-
pose our farther progress if possible.
The action commenced at sunrise, first
with General Hand's riflemen, and rein-
forced by Maxwell and Poor's brigades,
until about 9 o'clock, when General
Clinton's brigade was ordered to the
right of the whole, where he had to
mount the hill, which was mostly occu-
pied by the Indians. I requested of
General Clinton to permit me to charge
with bayonets as soon as I gained the
height on the flank of the Indians. He
consented, and ordered the charge to
be made, he leading the first regiment
himself, and I the second, which ended
the battle in five minutes. They ran
and left their dead, which they seldom
do, unless obliged to leave them, and
here they were. Thus ended the battle
at Newtown, in which not a man of the
New York Brigade was either killed or
wounded, although several men in the
other brigades.

The army then advanced through
Catherine's Town and between Seneca
and Cayuga Lakes, and forded the out-
let of Seneca through Geneva, Canan-
daigua to Honoye Lake, where we en-
camped, and made a crossing over the
outlet. Here I took nine catfish, which
was a great relief, for our mess had our

scanty provision of three days stolen
from us two nights before, which was
truly a misfortune, as the whole army
had been on less than half allowance
long before we came to Tioga. Here
the General sent Lieutenant Boyd to
make discovery and take Nanyous, my
favorite Indian, as his guide and a few
men, but Boyd took also a sergeant, cap-
tain and sixteen men with him, and pro-
ceeded to a small town near the prairie
flats, and the next morning sent two
men back, but remained until the Indi-
ans began to appear, and Murphy, one
of his men, killed and scalped one of
them, and advised Boyd to return ; but
he remained too long, and at last was
pursued until near our encampment.
He met Butler with his party, who had
been on the hill in our front expecting
to ambuscade and fire on our advance
after crossing the outlet. It was there
I met Murphy, who had with him two
scalps, which he had taken from two In-
dians he had killed that day — the first
in the morning, the other, about five
minutes before he met me, from the In-
dian who was pursuing him after we
left Lieutenant Boyd, whose party Wen-
dall killed and scalped on the hill, my
friendly Indian being one of them, not a
mile from where he met me ; but Boyd
and his sergeant they took prisoners,
with the intent to sacrifice at night,
which they did, and whom we found,
killed, tomahawked, scalped and their
heads cut off, lying on the ground where
they had their dance. Here we found
one hundred and twenty houses, all
which we burnt, and destroyed; their
canoes had been destroyed before we
arrived there. The army then returned,

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

29I

the enemy having fled to Niagara, where,
we afterwards heard, they suffered great-
ly, many died. In short, our expedition
was their complete overthrow. On our
return I went to see the Cayuga Lake,
and returned to Newtown, when the
General sent me with a command up
the Tioga River and passed the painted
post, &c, and returned to Newtown ;
but the army had marched to a point
where I came up with them, and we
proceeded to Easton, when I was sent
to Sussex and Warwick, then through
Pompton to Morristown, where we halt-
ed. Colonel Gansevoort separated from
the army near Geneva, and went to Al-
bany. My regiment continued at Mor-
ristown all winter, first in tents, until the
snow was deep, before we got into huts,
which we made of logs.

General Arnold being under arrest for
improper conduct in Philadelphia while
he commanded there, I was one of the
Court - martial, Major-General Howe,
President. There were also on that
court four officers who had been at
Ticonderoga when Colonel Hasen was
called on for trial, as before related,
and we were for cashiering Arnold, but
were overruled, and he was sentenced
to be reprimanded by the Commander-
in-Chief. If all the court had known
Arnold's conduct as well as myself, how
he and his Brigade Major had robbed
merchants in Montreal, he would have
been dismissed from serving any longer
in our army, for he would have been
cashiered. If so, he would never have
had the command at West Point, and
Major Andre might have lived until this
day.

The regiment remained at Morristown

until the spring of 1780, and then was
marched towards the northern frontiers
in the State of New York, and having
passed through the Manor of Cort-
landt, saw my friends at Peekskill, and
then to Nine Partners, where my father
and his family were obliged to remove
from Rhinebeck, as Colonel Livingston
would not suffer them to remain any
longer. I then joined the regiment and
went to Fort Edward, on the North
River, and was in a few days relieved by
Colonel Warner. I then proceeded to
West Point, and encamped on the west
part in June, 1780 ; and as there was
some expectation of an attack from the
enemy, I took post on the mountain west
of Fort Putnam. This was in June and
July, when l!was selected as one of the
Colonels to command in a selected regi-
ment of infantry, under Major-General
Lafayette, who was returned from France,
and had two brigades — the first com-
manded by General Hand, with Colonel
Stewart of Pennsylvania, Colonel Og-
den of New Jersey, and myself of New
York; the other brigade by General
Poor, with Colonel Shepherd of Massa-
chusetts, Colonel Swift of Connecticut,
and Colonel Harry Gimat, a French offi-
cer, together with Colonel Lee and his
troop of horse, and a Major's command of
artillery. Major - General Lafayette,
with his Division, was stationed in front
of the main army at Tappan, on the
west side of the Hudson, where the
British Adjutant-General Andre was ex-
ecuted as a spy. Our Division made a
movement to Bergen, nearPowles Hook,
but the enemy kept close in New York
and their ships ; so that we had no op-
portunity of engaging them. We also

292

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

approached them towards Staten Island,
marching and returning without effect-
ing anything of importance, and so ended
the campaign.

In the month of November, 1780,
the Major-General Lafayette's division
being ordered to join their respective
lines of the army, of course the division
was separated, and the General sent to
join the Southern Army in Virginia, I
proceeded to Albany, where my regi-
ment was ordered by General James
Clinton to be cantoned in the town of
Schenectady, and where I went with
them, and placed my men in the bar-
racks, myself at Mr. Daniel Campbell's,
and the officers at private houses with
some difficulty, as the First Regiment
had been there the winter previous, and
their billeting not yet paid for.

In December the New York line of
the five regiments was to be incorpo-
rated into two, the first and third to be
under the command of Colonel Van
Schaack, and the Second, Fourth and
Fifth, John Livingston's, and that part
of Spencer's belonging to this State, was
to be under my command, and I was
ordered to incorporate them, they being
then at different places on the frontiers
on the Mohawk river, the old Fourth
being stationed at Fort Schuyler. I was
ordered to that place, and my then
Lieutenant Colonel Cochran permitted
on furlough. There I remained until
his return, when I returned to Albany,
and while absent the barracks took fire
and burnt up the fort, when General
Clinton ordered me back, and although
severely afflicted with sore eyes, I went
and destroyed all the fort and brought
off the cannon, &c, to Fort Harkimer,

and was ordered to build a new fort,
having Major Villefranche as engineer;
after looking out the place, clearing off
the timber and brush, and a few nine
months' men under Captain Schwarth
joined me, I was ordered to repair to
Albany and call in all my officers and
men from the different stations, viz.:
Fort Plain, Stone Arabia, Johnstown,
Schoharie, &c, &c, leaving Captains
Elsworth and Moody at Harkimer ; and
before I arrived at Schenectady I was
informed of the death of Captain Els-
worth, who was killed by a scout of
Indians while he was out on a fishing
party.

All my regiment having joined at
and near Schenectady, I marched and
encamped on the Patroons Flats. I
had then the largest and most healthy
regiment in America, not excepting
French, English or Germans, and a fine
band of music. Here I had to remain
for the completing of thirty-four boats,
now building there for the purpose, as
reported, of taking our army from
Elizabethtown to Staten Island as soon
as the French fleet would appear off
Sandy Hook in order to take New
York.

Count Rochambeau, having marched
from Rhode Island with the French
forces, had advanced to the lines in
Westchester County near Kings Bridge;
some part of our army already in the
State of New Jersey, and all things
ready, the French fleet daily expected,
I received orders to take the boats,
regiment and baggage, &c, and proceed
down the Hudson to Stony Point.
Landed and encamped ; remained there
while the French passed and some time

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

293

after, until information came that Gen-
eral Washington himself was at the ferry
and wished to see me. Upon approach-
ing him he took me by the arm and
went some distance on the road, and
gave me his orders both written and
verbal, which was to march to Chatham
in New Jersey, take all the boats,
intrenching tools, &c, and proceed with
deliberation, informing him daily of my
progress, for which purpose he sent a
dragoon every day, as my command was
of great importance, being the rear
guard of the army. Upon my arrival
at Pompton Plains he altered my route,
but at my request permitted me to take
a more circuitous one through Par-
cipany — the road being better passing
Mr. Lott's and Beaverhout — but not
to pass the junction of the Morristown
road with the Chatham road until the
next morning ; then, instead of going to
the latter, I must pass through Morris
and make an expeditious march to
Trenton ; and enjoined secrecy for three
days, I did as ordered, after dining
with Mr. Lott and spending the after-
noon with his family, my camp being
near his house, and marched by day-
break next morning twenty-four miles,
instead of eight or nine as customary
from Kings Ferry. Arriving about three
miles from Trenton, I was ordered to
encamp for all the army to pass me, and
then took my boats to Trenton and em-
barked my regiment, and proceeded on
the Delaware to Philadelphia, where I
halted one day to accommodate my offi-
cers, who wanted some articles of cloth-
ing, &c, then proceeded to Markees
Hook, where I remained a few days for the
army to pass and my men to wash their

clothes; then proceeded on, passing
Wilmington to the head of Elk, where I
left the boats, and marched by land to
Baltimore, where I encamped on the
hill, being a part of Mr. Howard's farm,
now a part of Baltimore City. After
remaining a few days and moving to
Fells Point on board of shallops, sailed
to James River in the State of Virginia,
and landed at College landing; then
marched to Williamsburgh, where I was
made exceeding happy by meeting my
General Lafayette, who had a command
of light infantry, and Colonel Hamilton
and my Major N. Fish was selected to
join his command, who with Colonel
Scammel, my old and particular friend
in his advance, proceeded to invest
Yorktown, where the renowned and
haughty commander of the British army
had entrenched himself.

Colonel Scammel advanced in sight
of their advance redoubts, which they
abandoned in the course of the night; I
being ordered out the next morning
with a strong picket guard to relieve
Colonel Scammel, I found his men and
relieved them ; but the Colonel had, be-
fore my arrival, observed that they had
retired from the poplar-tree redoubt to
the road in front, and mistook a British
patrol of horse for our men, was under
the necessity of surrendering, when one
of their dragoons coming up, fired, and
wounded the Colonel after his surrender,
but whether the dragoon knew of the
surrender, being behind him, I cannot
say, but from all the information I could
obtain, it was after his surrender. The
Colonel was first taken to the town, then
paroled to Williamsburgh, where he died
in our hospital, and was buried with the

294

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

honors of war. That morning the Com-
mander-in-Chief, with almost all the
general officers, came to my picket, and
was in my front. While I was seated
on the platform of the poplar redoubt
viewing their battery, about one mile
distant, the enemy fired over their heads
and cut the branches of the tree, which
fell about me ; but as the Generals did
not move, the second ball struck direct-
ly in my front, and went in the ground
about three rods before the Generals
(had it raised it must have passed
through the cluster, and have killed sev-
eral), when they all retreated except
the Commander-in-Chief, who remained
with his spying-glass observing their
works ; and although he remained some
time alone, directly in their view, and in
my front, they did not fire again. The
General then came toward me, observ-
ing which, I arose and met him, when,
after some remarks and inquiries, he
directed me to keep my men as they
were at present disposed of, out of sight
of the battery, until evening ; then to
surround the town with my sentinels
from the redoubt, which was to the
right all the way to the York River, and
that Baron Viomenil, with the French
pickets, should do the same on the left ;
and the next morning they found them-
selves completely surrounded by a chain
of active and vigilant sentinels. Prepa-
rations were now made, and the follow-
ing night the army made, in the range
of the sentinels, a complete intrench-
ment, which covered our men, and gave
facility to our preparing our battery
of cannon, which, when in order, the
first gun which was fired, I could dis-
tincly hear pass through the town,

being on the line directly in front, near
the poplar redoubt, and our battery
being on or near the river on our right.
I could hear the ball strike from house
to house, and I was afterwards informed
that it went through the one where
many of the officers were at dinner, and
over the tables, discomposing the dishes,
and either killed or wounded the one at
the head of the table ; and I also heard
that the gun was fired by the Command-
er-in-Chief, who was designedly present
in the battery for the express purpose of
putting the first match.

The enemy having two redoubts
about three hundred and fifty yards in
advance of the line, and batteries which
surrounded the town, and which was an
annoyance to our progress, it was deter-
mined to take them by storming. The
one was assigned for General Lafayette's
light infantry, the other, for Baron Vio-
menil, with the French grenadiers.
Colonel Hamilton, with Major Fish and
other officers and men of the American
light infantry, advanced against the
right one near the river, and took it in a
few minutes, when General Lafayette
sent to the French Baron for informa-
tion, who returned answer, he had not,
but would in five minutes, which I
believe he did. Both the above were
brilliant exploits, and crowned the as-
sailants with everlasting honor, particu-
larly as they extended mercy to every
one who solicited it after entering the
works, which was not the case when
Bayler's horse were surprised. After the
two redoubts were taken we advanced
our lines in their range, and the next
morning I advanced the York brigade,
which I then commanded, with drums

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

295

and colors flying and carried arms up
to the redoubt which Baron Viomenil
had taken, which insulting movement
drew on the resentment of our enemies,
who fired an incessant shower of bomb-
shells without doing any injury to us,
only killing a French grenadier in my
front and a Virginian retiring on my
left. One of the shot, as I entered the
entrenchment, cut its upper part and
almost covered me and the Marquis
Steuben, who was meeting me, when he
directed me to stop my music, which I
did, and the firing ceased. When I
came to the redoubt, it was necessary to
cut away a part to get a mortar to play
on the enemy, when one of Captain
Vandenburgh's fatigued party was killed
the first stroke , struck by a nine
pound ball, which carried off his thigh
close to his body. On seeing this, a
volunteer was called for, as the case was
desperate, when a soldier who had been
disgraced, as he told me, without cause,
took the place and performed the work,
although, during its execution, three
balls were fired at him, all of which
came within six inches, one almost cov-
ered his head with sand. His name was
Peter Christian Vouch, and his brother is
my neighbor at Peekskill. Another re-
markable occurrence : Sergeant Brown
was leaning over the embankment look-
ing at the enemy's battery, when Captain
Vandeburgh ordered him down ; and as
he slid down, the ball that was intended
to kill him, and which would have passed
through his body if he had remained
passed over his head ; and either the
wind or the sand, as it passed without
breaking his skull or skin, produced his
death in an instant, as he fell dead in

the trench — no mark but blood-shot
head and face. Here one of my small
drummers asked me if he might remove
a vest from a dead British soldier, whom
I had ordered to be buried, in which
he found eleven guineas, so he was well
paid for his attention to the dead sol-
dier. The seige was now continued
with cannon and mortars on both sides.
I have counted thirteen shells flying in
the air at night at the same time, going
to and from the enemy.

One night the enemy (I suppose to
save appearances as a point of honor)
made a sortie on a French battery by
surprise, killed some and spiked the
guns, but was soon obliged to retire
with some loss. They also attempted to
cross the river at Gloucester with all
the army and force their way by land,
but a storm arising, they were obliged to
return ; but had they succeeded in cross-
ing, they never would have been able to
reach New York, so desperate was their
situation ; and at length the haughty
Cornwallis sent out a flag, and asked a
suspension to give him time for negotia-
tions of surrender, which was agreed to
by General Washington, on the like
terms which General Lincoln had ob-
tained at the surrender of Charleston
from this same Lord Cornwallis ; and
the day when they gave up their arms,
colors, &c, General Lincoln had the
pleasure of conducting them to the field
of deposit, much to their mortification.
However, they performed it with more
order than I expected. The prisoners
were soon sent into the interior, and it
fell to my lot (as General Clinton, who
commanded the Division, and General
Dayton, of the New Jersey Brigade, were

296

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

somewhat indisposed, and permitted to
return by water) to command the Divis-
ion, composed of the New York and
New Jersey Brigades, to march them by
land, and had the charge of 1,700 of the
British and Hessian prisoners as far as
the town of Fredericksburg, where I de-
livered them to an officer of the Vir-
ginia militia. I was asked at Hanover
Court House $500 for a bowl of apple-
toddy, but was satisfied on payment of
one silver dollar, and then continued my
march through Alexandria, Georgetown,
Bladenburg, Baltimore, Philadelphia,
Trenton in New Jersey, where the
troops of that State left me, and I con-
tinued my march with the New York
Brigade to Pompton, where I com-
menced to make huts for our winter
accommodations.

The troops being almost destitute of
clothing, no money to purchase any,
and often scanted for provisions, and
obliged to labor hard to make the huts
warm, and the weather extremely cold,
so that it was attended with difficulty
and almost cruelty to keep them exposed
in the open air to hear preaching from
our worthy Chaplain, Dr. John Gano.
I therefore permitted him to return to
his family until called for, which I found
was not necessary until the breaking up
of winter, when he returned of his own
pleasure, and informed me that he had
received a lecture from one of the sol-
diers whom he overtook as he came near
the encampment. It appeared that the
Doctor made inquiry of the soldier how
the commandant (meaning me), the offi-
cers and men had enjoyed health dur-
ing the winter while he was absent, &c.
The soldier answered: Dear Doctor, we

have had tolerable health, but hard times
otherwise ; we have wanted almost ev-
erything, scanted in clothing, provisions
and money, and, hardest of all, we have
not had even the word of God to comfort
us. The Doctor then gave as a reason
why he was absent, it being hard to
oblige the men, badly clad, to attend
worship. True, said the soldier, but it
would have been consoling to have had
such a good man near us. That remark,
said the Doctor, was unanswerable.
Shortly after he pointed out the soldier,
who was a reprobate fellow, and had
diverted himself with quizzing the Doc-
tor.

The church on the low ground being
obtained for Doctor Gano to preach
in on the following Sabbath, on the
Saturday evening previous I let him see
the Brigade return, and observed it
would be more pleasing if all the men
were for the war, but there were several
six months and nine months men which
I wished to re-enlist. On Sunday, in
his introduction to the sermon, he ob-
served that it always gave him pleasure
to preach to soldiers, especially when
he had good tidings to communicate,
and he could aver of the truth that our
Lord and Saviour approved of all those
who had engaged in his service for the
whole warfare. No nine or six months
men in his service. This had a fine ef-
fect, for many re-enlisted shortly after
to silence the pleasantry of their com-
panions. This was in the spring of 1782,
when thinking it more expedient to en-
camp the men, we moved to the flat
fields, and there exercised and manceu-
vered to great advantage in the presence
of Baron Steuben, who was delighted

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

2 9 7

with our performances during his visit
of a few days.

I omitted to mention in the above that
while we continued in the huts His Ex-
cellency General Washington came with
his lady on a visit, and remained in my
humble station from Saturday evening
until Monday morning, when I sent an
escort with him as a guard on his way
to Newburg.

In the summer of 1782, after General
Washington and his lady had left me for
Newburg, and the French army under
General Rochambeau was returning, my
command was ordered to Verplanck's
Point, where the army encamped, com-
posed of the New England, New York
and New Jersey troops, the latter on the
right, when the French passed on to the
Peekskill, and remained a few days en-
camped. The army at Verplanck's was
reviewed by the Commander-in-Chief,
accompanied by his French Generals.
We were assembled in close column,
under the command of Major-General
Baron Steuben, and marched as if ap-
proaching an enemy, and under a sup-
posed engagement. Had to display,
when I discovered a mistake, and recti-
fied it instantly in such a manner as to
attract the notice of all the General offi-
cers attending, and gained more honor
than any regiment engaged by my ac-
tivity in rectifying the mistakes without
causing a disorder under a presumed
heavy fire.

This being the first and only period
of the war that I was encamped and
stationed near my own habitation, 1 1 had
the pleasure of receiving the visits of my
friends, which in some measure made
amends for the inactivity of the cam-

paign, which terminated by marching to
the vicinity of New Windsor, and com-
menced the making of huts for our ac-
commodation for the winter near the
road leading to Little Britain, the resi-
dence of General James Clinton. The
month of January, 1783, found us in
huts, of our own making, as comfortable
as troops could expect without pay, scant
of provisions at times, and also in want
of sufficient clothing; however, better
than we had formerly experienced, and
as the accounts of the termination of
the war were gaining a belief, we were
induced by the promises of Congress of
future reward to preserve an orderly
discipline to the end.

As the spring of the year came on, an
anonymous letter made its appearance
which caused much uneasiness, espe-
cially at headquarters, and the General
came to camp and sent for the officers
commanding brigades, and as I had
command of the New York Line I at-
tended with others, and was happy to
find a unanimous determination to sup-
port order, and agreed with General
Washington to suppress every attempt
at disorderly conduct, which was sub-
sequently confirmed in a full meeting of
all the officers assembled together in a
large hall, which had been erected near
the Massachusetts line, with the full be-
lief that Congress would ultimately com-
pensate the army for their services and
sufferings.

In the month of May the Society of
the Cincinnati was organized ; and in
June it was resolved by the officers of
the New York Brigade to present Gov-
ernor George Clinton with the stand of
colors and instruments of music belong-

298

REPRINTS

ing to the Brigade, and I was requested
to present them to the Governor at his
residence in the town of Poughkeepsie,
which request was attended to ; and as
I remained a few days in Poughkeepsie
with the Governor, I found on my return
to cantonment that almost all were gone,
as only a few were left, and they wanted
assistance — some unwell and others with-
out the means of removal. I myself deter-
mined to go to Croton. In the first place
purchased the barge or rowboat from the
Quartermaster and some extra provis-
ions, and hired a few soldiers, one of
which, a mulatto with his wife and child,
to act as cook. I set off, and arrived at
the farm, at the mouth of Croton River,
where I was joined in a short time by
Captains Hamtramck and Vanderburgh,
and also by Daniel Pryer, whom I had
invited to stay with me until we could
go into New York, and they were hap-
pily employed, sometimes gunning and
fishing, &c, &c.

1 A view of this house, from an original draw-
ing, made for this Magazine by Mr. Hosier,
prefaces this document.

IRVING'S HISTORY OF NEW
YORK

A LETTER FROM DIEDRICK KNICKER-
BOCKER

{From the American Citizen, New York, January
23d, 1810.)

Mr. Editor :

As you seem to take very kind interest
in the affairs of Mr, Diedrick Knicker-
bocker, I am happy to inform you that
we have just received news of the poor
old gentleman. The following letter
from him was handed to my wife the

day before yesterday by a tall country-
man, who had chalked the number of
my house on his hat crown :

To Mr. Seth Handaside.

Worthy Sir — It is a matter of exceed-
ing great surprise to me when by acci-
dent I learned this morning that after I
had been for some time advertised in
the newspapers as missing, my history
was published, without receiving my
last corrections, as also without my con-
sent or approbation. I do not so much
blame as lament this hasty measure, as
the object of my mysterious absence
was to collect some information of great
importance to my work.

Not thinking to be absent long, I de-
parted from your house without men-
tioning my intention, lest it should
awaken the curiosity of your worthy
spouse, who, between ourselves, my hon-
est Seth, gives herself too much trouble
about the affairs of those around her —
poor woman — may heaven reward her
for the same ! As the weather was fine
I travelled a foot by easy stages through
Manhattanville, by Spiking devil, Kings-
bridge, Phillipsburgh, and so on, until I
arrived at Dobb's Ferry, where I crossed
over to the Slote, and thence proceeded
to Coeyman's Patent, to the house of
my esteemed friend, Judge Lott, where
I have been ever since entertained with
true patriarchal hospitality. This worthy
gentleman is come of one of the most
ancient Dutch families in this country,
and has in his possession the papers of
his late excellent kinsman, Mr. Abraham
Lott, formerly Treasurer of this Colony.
From this valuable collection I have se-
lected much interesting matter, as well

REPRINTS

299

as from frequent conversations with the
valuable Burgers of Tappan, who have
given me divers wonderful particulars
about the great factions of the Blue ski?is
and the Copper heads, which anciently
raged with great violence among the Flod-
ders, and the Van Schaiks, and other po-
tent families on the banks of the Hudson,
and even occasioned not a little bitter-
ness among the Patricians of Albany.
But all these curious and unheard of
matters, which would have redounded
so highly to the embellishment of my
history, and the instruction of the world,
with many others which it is useless to
mention, your unfortunate precipitancy
has buried I fear in eternal oblivion.

To account for my very long absence
and apparent disregard of your adver-
tisements, I must inform you ; as to the
first, that I have been confined by a
tedious and lingering sickness, the con-
sequence no doubt of my intense stud-
ies and incessant ponderings ; and as to
the second, none of your advertisements
ever reached my retreat. Among the many
laudable regulations instituted by the
Sage Burgers of this very ancient and
small town, they have banished all news-
papers whatsoever, conceiving them to be
mere vehicles of false politics, false moral-
ity, and false information, and, moreover,
common disturbers of the peace of the
community. Hence it is as rare a thing
to see a newspaper here as a Yankee, and
a politician is as uncommon a monster
as a chattering whale or a dumb woman.
This being the case, I should doubtless
have still remained ignorant of the pub-
lication of my history but for the singu-
lar accident of a newspaper being smug-
gled into the town under the specious

pretext of serving as a wrapper to half
a dozen pounds of sugar, which my
friend Squire Van Loon had sent for to
Albany. The appearance of this pesti-
lent scroll occasioned much the same
sensation as would the introduction of
a bale of cotton, or a bag of coffee
among our old women and medical edi-
tors, during the yellow fever. With
much difficulty I obtained permission
to read it, under a solemn promise to
burn it and scatter the ashes to the four
winds of heaven the next moment.
From this paper did I first learn the
advertisement of my disappearance, and
the subsequent publication of my his-
tory.

I regret exceedingly this last prema-
ture step, and particularly its having been
published by Messrs. Inskeep and Brad-
ford instead of my much esteemed friend,
Mr. Evert Duyckingh, who is a lineal
descendant from one of the ancient
heroes of the Manhattoes, and whose
grandfather and my grandfather were
just like brothers. As, however, I trust
that Messrs. Inskeep and Bradford,
though not Dutchmen, are still very
honest, good sort of men, I expect they
will account with me for my lawful
share of the profits. In the mean time,
as I am going to pass some time with
my relations at Scaghikoke, who are
amazingly anxious to see me, I request
that you will direct the bookseller to
transmit a copy of my book in my name
to my worthy cozen, the Congressman,
who is now at Washington, where I have
little doubt but it will be of a marvellous
edification to him in the discharge of
his high duties. You will likewise pre-
sent a copy to the City Librarian, to

3oo

NOTES

whose friendly attentions I was much
obliged in the course of my labours, and
to whom I beg you will remember me
in the most cordial manner.

The book, bound in vellum, with
brass clasps, containing the correct rec-
ords of the city, which you will find in
my room, you will be good enough to
return, with my hearty thanks, to Mr.
Peter P. Goelet and his brother Ratsey,
who were so kind as to allow me the use
of it. You will likewise please to call
on Col. Henry Rutgers, and return him
a large roll of papers, written in Dutch,
which lie on the desk in my room, giv-
ing at the same time my best acknowl-
ments for his kindness, and a copy of
my work, neatly bound.

As to my saddle bags, you may keep
them with you until my cozen, the Con-
gressman, returns, who will call for
them and bring them up to Scaghikoke.
Do not fail to send several copies up to
my relations, and one to myself, for I
long most vehemently to pore over my
excellent little history, which I make no
doubt will furnish me with abundant
reading for the rest of my life.
With kind remembrances
to your worthy help mate,

I am, my honest Seth,
truly yours,
Diedrick Knickerbocker.

Such, Mr. Editor, is the letter I re-
ceived, and I posted immediately with
it to the Stuyvesant family, who have
been very anxious about the old gentle-
man, and have made repeated enquiries
after him. They were quite overjoyed
to hear of his safety, and in the fullness
of their hearts declared that the histo-

rian of their illustrious ancestor should
never want. To make good their words,
they have provided a snug little rural
retreat on their estate for him, where
poor old Diederick may end his days
comfortably in the neighbourhood of his
favourite city, and lay his bones in peace
in his beloved island of Mannahata. I
have written him word of this munifi-
cient gift; in the mean while I could
not refrain from making known to the
public a circumstance which reflects
such great credit on this truly worthy
and respectable family.

I am, sir, with great respect,

your humble servant,
Seth Handaside.

The preceding amusing letter by Washington
Irving has not been printed in any collection of
his works that has come under our observation. —
Editor.

NOTES

Notes from major craig's letter-
books. — Wheeling, West Virginia. The
following notes relating to this place are
taken from the letter-books of Major
Isaac Craig at the time acting as Deputy
Quartermaster-General at Pittsburgh.

June 15, 1793- — "Wheeling was laid
out in the Summer of 1792, and now has
eight log houses with two small stores
near the landing. The stockade Fort,
built in 1774, is entirely demolished.
The inhabitants are at present without
any place of defence."

August 2, 1793. — "I am just returned
from laying out a store house, block-
house and small stockade at Wheeling.
I contracted for the materials and em-
ployed workmen who I expect will have

NOTES

30I

the store house completed by the 15th
instant ; but I am apprehensive the situ-
ation will not answer the purpose in-
tended, as an Island opposite Wheeling,
that is nearly two miles long, will pre-
vent the Block-house guns from com-
manding the whole of the river. The
principal channel however, is on the east
side of the Island and the mouth of
Wheeling Creek (immediately under the
Block-house) forms an excellent harbour
for boats."

December 26, 1793. — "The buildings
at Wheeling consists of a Block-house,
Store house and Barracks ; the Block-
house twenty-two feet by twenty-two
feet, two stories high, in the upper story
a six pounder is mounted ; the lower
story may be used as a store-house.
The Barracks one story high, consists of
five rooms, four rooms fifteen feet square,
and one room fifteen feet by twelve ; the
whole is enclosed with a stockade."

The above extracts are from letters
addressed to General Knox, Secretary
of War.

Fort Randolph was the name of the
works described ; it was evacuated in
May, 1797, by order of General Wilkin-
son as a useless Post, and the material
sold, in November of that year, to
Colonel George Striker. May 23, 1794,
by a letter of this date to Timothy Picker-
ing, P. M. General, I find Major Craig
had just made arrangements by which
" the mail will reach Philadelphia in
seven days from Wheeling."

Fort Franklin, Pa. — Extract from a
letter from Major Craig to Timothy
Pickering, Secretary of War, dated Au-
gust 14, 1795. "At Fort Franklin I
found no safe place of deposit for stores

of any kind. Indeed the Fort, if it may
be so called, is almost in ruins, the
Block-house I am of opinion cannot
stand another year. In this state of
things it is Colonel Butler's opinion as
well as mine, that a store-house should
be immediately built at the mouth of
French Creek where the old Fort stood.
I presume Colonel Butler has written to
you on the subject."

First Mail to Erie, Pa. — Extract from
a letter from Major Craig to Colonel
Rochefontaine, Commanding at Presqu'
Isle, dated August 15, 1795: "It is
found necessary to establish a regular
communication between this Post and
Presqu' Isle, and I am now making
arrangements for a weekly mail to arrive
at Presqu' Isle on Thursday the 27th
instant, and on the same day every week
afterward, unless it should be found
from experience necessary to make alter-
ations in this business." I. C.

Alleghany City, Pa.

First manufacture of vermicelli

and macaroni in the united states.

11 Augustino-Maury Bruino, from Genoa,
in Italy ; having obtained liberty from
that Government, to export to America
the machinery for manufacturing vermi-
celli and macaroni, (the first ever brought
in this country) informs the citizens of
New-York and the United States in
general, that he has established his
works at 371, Pearl-street, where these
desirable articles will be sold wholesale
and retail in their pristine state, it being
fresh and free from must, and every dis-
agreeble smell that it usually imbibes in
coming over sea. — It makes of itself
excellent soup, and is a preventive in

302

NOTES

all warm countries from every kind of
fevers ; and is generally used in the
South of Europe with the first class of
people, as the first dish on the table ; its
principal ingredient being the first qual-
ity of wheat, which is wholesome and
easy of digestion. Nothing can be bet-
ter for lying-in ladies and sick people in
general, and equally as good for those
in health. No master of a vessel, super-
cargo or seaman should go to sea with-
out it. Warranted equal to any made
in Europe. It will be delivered in boxes
to suit purchasers, or by the single
pound, with directions how to use it.
— Mercantile Advertiser, Dec. 14, 1802."

W. K.

Washington's long island " tour "
in the spring of 1790. — There is an
aged lady still living in this city, who has
a distinct remembrance of seeing Gen-
eral Washington as he passed her father's
door in Cold Spring, L. I., on that " tour,"
as he calls it in his " Diary." Mrs Sarah
Mead, this venerable living link between
that plesant episode in the life of the first
President of the United States in this city
and the present time, is now in her 96th
year, and although much enfeebled by
age, retains in her mind a vivid impress-
ion of that interesting incident of her
childhood. Her account tallies precisely
with several particulars given by Wash-
ington himself respecting that journey
from Brooklyn to Brookhaven, which
was in his private carriage, and with but
few attendants. It was on his return
route, and on his way from Huntington to
Oyster Bay, that she saw him, which, as
we learn from the " Diary," was on Fri-
day, April 23, 1790. The name of the

General's stopping-place at the latter
place she recalled on a recent interview
without difficulty, which we subsequently
verified on turning to the " Diary," that
records it as " the house of a Mr. Young
(private and very neat and decent),
where we lodged."

But another equally well authenti-
cated fact, frequently rehearsed to Mrs.
Mead by her friend, a much older person,
not now living, Mrs. Temperance Jack-
son, present that evening at " Young's,"
to " help " in getting up a grand supper
for Washington, was that when the great
man, for whom nothing was justly deemed
too good, arrived, he stepped into the
sitting-room and simply asked his hostess
if she could furnish him and his com-
pany with a dish of " mush and milk ! "
When this order was announced in the
kitchen, "you should have seen those
niggers ! " as the old lady used to say.
" They were struck dumb " with aston-
ishment — a silence probably soon re-
lieved by the noisy merriment common
to the race. William Hall.

The touch test of murder. — The
following extraordinary Attestation of
the Coroner of Bergen County was com-
municated by a gentleman of such credit
as leaves not the least doubt of its being
genuine :

"On the Twenty-second Day of Sep-
tember, in the year of our Lord 1767,
I, Johannes Demarest, Coroner of the
County of Bergen and Province of New
Jersey, was present at a View of the
Body of one Nicholas Teurs, then lying
dead, together with the jury, which I
summoned to inquire of the Death of
Nicholas Teurs. At that Time a Negro

NOTES

303

named Harry, belonging to Hendrick
Christians Zabriskie, was suspected of
having murdered the said Teurs, but
there was no Proof of it, and the Negro
denied it. I asked him if he was not
afraid to touch Teurs ? He said No ;
he had not hurt him, and immediately
came up to the Corpse, then lying in the
Coffin, and then Staats Storm, one of
the Jurors, said : " I am not afraid of
him, and stroked the dead Man's Face
with his Hand," which made no Altera-
tion in the dead Person, and (as I did
not put any Faith in any of those Trials)
my Back was turned towards the dead
Body, when the Jury ordered the Negro
to touch the dead Man's Face with his
Hand, and then I heard a Cry in the
Room of the People, saying, " He is
the Man; " and I was desired to come to
the dead Body, and was told that the
said Negro Harry had put his hand on
Tuers' Face, and that the Blood imme-
diately ran out at the Nose of the dead
man Teurs. I saw the Blood on his
Face, and ordered the Negro to rub his
Hand again on Teurs' Face; he did so,
and immediately the Blood again ran out
of said Teurs' Nose at both Nostrils,
near a common Table Spoonful at each
Nostril, as well as I could judge.

Whereupon the People all charged him
with being the Murderer, but he denied
it for a few minutes, and then confessed
that he had murdered the said Nicholas
Teurs, by first striking him on the Head
with an Ax, and then driving a Wooden
Pin in his Ear ; tho' afterwards he said
he struck a second Time with his Ax,
and then held him fast till he had done
struggling. When that was done, he
awaked some of the Family, and said

Teurs was dying (he believed)." — JV. Y.
Journal, October 1st, 1767. W. K.

American surnames. — I send some
American surnames not found in any
work on the subject that I am acquaint-
ed with : Africa, Allaback, Bearsticker,
Brearypole, Carbon, Cry, Clownish, Cra-
zey, Click, Cumberlock, Dangwell, De-
vorce, Diett, Dross, Earlick, Feed, Fid,
Foulfoot, Glue, Goodbread, Goodnight
(probably a corruption of Good Knight),
Grasshopper, Heelfish, Hoof, Hornfoot,
Hogancamp, Hunkey, Handcleare, Ho-
lyland, Hawser, Hogbeans, Ice, Ironcut-
ter, Jerk, Livelong, Limeburner, Mast-
head, Offword, Overwinter, Pancake,
Porcupine, Richland, Ravish, Redhef-
fer, Redlion, Redhair, Savewell, Som-
merkamp, Snail, Sledd, Skrimp, Talk,
Tape, Terrapin, Vermillion, Wideback.

Most of the above are from Revolu-
tionary muster-rolls and pension lists.
Africa and Grasshopper are from Har-
risburg; Masthead, is from Pittsburg, and
Redheffer is from Philadelphia, and also
from Kansas City. Isaac Craig.

Alleghany City, Pa.

Dutch sympathy for America. —
" In such high reputation is the American
cause at Amsterdam, and so great is the
avidity of the people to show their good
will to it, that a ballad singer sold six
hundred ballads in the streets in the
course of one hour, because it con-
tained some reflections favorable to the
American revolution." — Connecticut Ga-
zette, Dec. 21, .1781. A. T. S.

Trial trip of fulton's steam bat-
tery. — The N. Y. National Advocate of

3°4

NOTES

June 2, 1815, gives the following
account of the trial trip of the first
U. S. Steam vessel of war called
"Fulton the First:" "Yesterday was
a very auspicious day for the U. S.
The experiment of moving the new
vessel of war by means of steam, has
been made in a successful and highly
satisfactory manner. At ten o'clock
in the morning, the Fulton was pro-
pelled, by her own steam and ma-
chinery, from her moorings, near the
Brooklyn Ferry on the east side of the
City. Henry Rutgers, Samuel L. Mitch-
ell, Thomas Morris, and Oliver Wolcott
Esqs., the Commissioners of the Navy
Dept. to superintend her construction,
were on board. Mr. Brown, the Naval
constructor, Mr. Stondinger, the en-
gineer (the successor to Mr. Fulton)
and Capt. Smith the inspector, were also
in the vessel. A number of Scientific
and distinguished gentlemen gave their
attendance. The wharves were crowded
with citizens, anxious to know the re-
sult. She proceeded majestically into
the river, though a stiff breeze from the
south blew directly ahead. She stemmed
the current with perfect ease, the tide
a stong ebb. She sailed by the forts and
saluted them with her 32 pound guns.
Her speed was equal to the most san-
guine expectation. She exhibited a
novel and sublime spectacle to an ad-
miring people. The intention of the
Commissioners being solely to try her
engines, no use was made of her sails.
After navigating the Bay, and receiving
a visit from the officers of the French
ship of war, lying at her anchors, the
steam frigate came to near the Powles-
hook ferry, about two o'clock, without

having experienced a single unpleasant
occurrence." W. H. Newton.

St. Georges, Del.

One of the oldest inhabitants. —
Boston, July 13th. From Somerset coun-
ty Maryland we learn that one Francis
Ange died there about three months ago,
in a very advanced age. A Gentleman
of that province, some years ago, having
occasion to ride in the neighborhood
where this man lived, and hearing of
his great age, had the curiosity to go
and see him. In a letter to his friend
and correspondent in this Town August
9th, 1764 he gives the following account
of him, as he had from the man himself :
That he was born at Stratford-upon-
Avon in Warwickshire England ; that
his father's name was John, a cutler by
trade and his mother's name Eleanor;
that he could remember King Charles I
being beheaded, as he was then a pretty
big boy ; that he came to this country
in a ship from Parkgate called the Great
Bengal, and served his time with one
Nicholas Demar on Rappahannock. The
Gentleman says that at that time he was
not less than 130 years of age, had
scarce a wrinkle in his face, had thick
black hair, with a few grey hairs inter-
spersed, and that his wife, who was
then about 80, had a son by him not
above 27 years of age. — N. Y. Journal,
July 2,0th 1767. W. K.

The hero of bennington. — Detroit,
May 26th, 1811. Venerable General:
On examining the fort in this place a
few days past I perceived, in one of the
embrasures, a handsome brass cannon
with this inscription on it : " John Stark

QUERIES

305

taken at Bennington 16th of August
1777." This, together with the situation
in which I found it, forcibly drew my
mind not only to a retrospect of the
revolutionary war, but still further back
to the records of transactions too remote
for my observation, and I could not but
view the fortuitous circumstance of its
being placed on these walls, as a sort of
pledge for the future safety of this place,
as well against those from whose martial
hands you wrested it on the embattled
plains of Walloomsack, as the descend-
ants of those savages who felt the
chastisement of your arms, near this fort,
on the memorable ambuscade of the 31st
July, 1768.

I have often contemplated the spot
with horror, where fell by your side the
brave Capts. Dalvell and Campbell,
where the bridge, from the blood of 280
out of 300 British and no out of 200
provincials, is to this day emphatically
called "Bloody Bridge." I was much
gratified with the feeling relation of this
transaction by a man of the name of
Maxwell, who served under you in that
campaign ; who, while he reiterated the
events, frequently attempted to wipe
away the incrusted tears from his fur-
rowed cheek, often exclaming : "Ah!
is my old Captain Stark still living ? "
But though death is a severe master, you
have parried his stroke, till he has ar-
rived at the very Z of the revolutionary
alphabet, by which you have been ena-
bled to view and contemplate vast por-
tions of your native country freed from
the savage knife and from civil tyranny,
in effecting which, your having borne so
conspicuous a part, must remain a fruit-
ful source of consolation, even to the

very fragment of your furlough ; at the
end of which, when summoned to head-
quarters to join the main body of patriots
and heroes who have long since marched
for that station, that you may pass a good
muster, and finally receive a pension
which will support you through the war
of elements, is the sincere wish of,

Dear General,
Your most obedient and humble servant,
J. Witherell.
The venerable John Stark, Esq.
— The American Patriot, August 21st.
Petersfield.

QUERIES

HOUDON'S BUST OF LAFAYETTE. In

the third volume of St. John de Creve
Coeur's Lettres d' un Cultivateur Amer-
icain, all of which have not as yet been
translated into English, may be found
an account of an interesting historical
event. The whole is here given —

Extract of a letter addressed to MM.
les Prevots des Marc hands et Echevins de la
ville de Paris, by his Excellency M. Jef-
ferson, Minister Plenipotentiary of the
United States, Paris, the 27 September,
1786. "The Legislature of Virginia in
recognition of the services of Major
General the Marquis de La Fayette have
resolved to place his bust in their Capi-
tol. Their desire to erect a monument
to his virtues and of the sentiments en-
tertained towards him in the country to
which they owe his birth, leads them to
hope that the City of Paris will consent
to become the depository of the second
testimony of their gratitude. Charged
by the Legislature with the execution of
their resolution, I have the honor to

3o6

QUERIES

pray of MM. les Prevots des Marchands
et Echevins to accept the Bust of that
brave officer, and to set it up in a place
where it may forever attest this respect-
ful homage and bear witness to the
attachment of the allies of France."

Monsieur le Baron de Breteuil, Minis-
ter and Secretary of State of the De-
partment of Paris, wrote to MM. les
Prevots des Marchands et Echevins that
the King, who had been consulted,
approved of the acceptance of this Bust
by the city. In consequence whereof
the City being assembled the 28 Septem-
ber, M. Short, former member of the
Council of the Legislature of Virginia
(Mr. Jefferson, Minister Plenipoten-
tiary, being detained at home by an
indisposition), appeared at the Hotel de
Ville to present the bust, which had been
executed by le Sieur Houdon, and to
place in the hands of MM. les Prevots
des Marchands et Echevins a letter of
Mr. Jefferson, together with the resolu-
tion of the Legislature of Virginia. M.
le Pelletier de More-Fontaine, Councel-
lor of State, Prevot des Marchands
opened the session by announcing its
motive and object, and delivered to M.
Veytard, Chief Register, all the docu-
ments to make reading thereof. After
which M. Ethis de Corny, Advocate and
Attorney of the King and Chevalier of
the order of Cincinnatus, delivered a
discourse, in which he recalled in an
extremely interesting manner the serv-
ices of M. de La Fayette in North
America, the confidence of the army, and
attachment of the people, for the Gen-
eral. As King's Attorney for the City
of Paris, he made the requisitions and
dispositions necessary for the reception

of the bust in conformity with the King's
desire, in consequence whereof the bust
was set up in one of the rooms of the
Hotel de Ville to the sound of military
music. This ceremony, the object of
which was as novel as it was interesting,
aroused a lively impression of pleasure
and sympathy among the spectators. A
literary gentleman, who was witness of
the scene, happily applied to M. de La
Fayette what Tacitus says of German-
icus : "Fruitur famd sui."

A note to the text states that the orig-
inal of the bust was destined for Vir-
ginia, to be placed in the Capitol at
Richmond, by the side of the statue of
Washington, which Houdon was also
commissioned to make. There is a mar-
ble bust of Lafayette in the Capitol at
Richmond, no doubt the original of that
presented to Paris. Appleton's and
Johnson's Cyclopaedias both record the
fact, but strange to say neither of these
nor yet Drake's Dictionary of Amer-
ican biography, under the caption of
Houdon, mention the bust as from his
hand.

Can any of our readers give informa-
tion as to the fate of the Paris bust ?
Did it survive the revolution, the restor-
ation and the Empire ? or was its fate to
perish by the flames of 187 1, in the ruins
of the Commune ? Editor.

Ancient manuscript. — Can any of
your readers inform me of the where-
abouts of the ancient manuscript des-
cribed in the Gentlemans' Magazine of
June, 1823, as follows ?

" A manuscript volume of three hun-
dred and fifty pages has lately been dis-
covered at Detroit, in the United States,

QUERIES

307

under the building of Col. Edwards.
The book is in a good state of preserva-
tion, and the penmanship is beautiful.
The characters in which it is written are
unknown, being neither Hebrew, Greek,
nor Saxon ; the only parts intelligible
are a few Latin quotations."

Antiquarian.

Danker's journal. — In his preface
to Danker's journal of a voyage to New
York and a tour in the American Col-
onies in 1679-80, published by the Long
Island Historical Society in 1867, Mr.
Henry C. Murphy states that the manu-
script from which the translation was
made came into his hands a few years
previously in Holland. In a note to the
edition of Knickerbockers' History of
New York, published by Inskeep &
Bradford, in 1809, Mr. Irving says the
sketch prepared to his history was taken
from Danker's View of New Amster-
dam. Was Irving acquainted with the
text of the journal as well as the View?
Knickerbocker.

Correspondence of Washington
and boucher. — " 3443. Washington.
Letter of Washington addressed to Rev.
Doctor Boucher, dated Mount Airy,
Aug. 2, 1773, with portraits. This inter-
esting letter occupies two 4to pages."

The above is from the catalogue of
books, &c, belonging to the late John
Allen, of New York city, and was sold
in May, 1864. Who is the present own-
er of the letter ? Would he gratify a
large number of your readers by furnish-
ing a copy of it for publication at the
present time ?

In London " Notes and Queries " sev-

eral articles have appeared from a des-
cendant of the Rev. Dr. in relation to
General Washington, which have been
replied to by Col. J. L. Chester.
Boston. J. C.

Newtown Pippins. — More than a
century ago this delicious fruit was ex-
ported to Europe. In 1767 Mr. William
Livingston sent two barrels to a friend
in England. Early in this century the
Golden pippin was the choicest apple
of this variety. Are there any of these
trees now to be found on Long Island ?
Dobbs Ferry.

American modesty or English ver-
acity. — In "A Summary View of Amer-
ica, etc. By an Englishman," printed
at London, 1825, occurs the following
passage : " The Americans have a cur-
rent saying, 'that they are the most
enlightened people on earth,' and Con-
gress actually passed a resolution to that
effect many years ago."

What is the authority for the above
statement ? Petersfield.

The first born in new Amster-
dam. — I found the following cutting from
a newspaper in an old scrap-book ; it is
without date. Can any of your readers
give particulars of this interesting me-
mento ? " The silver tankard presented
to the first born white child of the col-
ony at New Amsterdam — Sarah (after-
wards the widow Foley), daughter of
Jan Joris Rapelje, on her marriage, is in
the possession of Barnet Johnson. It is
silver, and massive, and bears an inscrip-
tion in Dutch. She was born June 9th,
1625." A. H.

308

REPLIES

Missing documents. — For the pur-
pose of comparison application has been
made by several persons to the Mercan-
tile Library Association of New York,
for a view of the original papers printed
in a volume entitled " New York City in
the Revolution." These papers, form-
ing part of the Tomlinson Collection,
purchased by subscription, are no longer
to be found among its archives.

It is important that such documents
be preserved, and restored to the insti-
tution to which they belong. Editor.

REPLIES

De celoron's plate. — (II. 129.)
There seems to be a discrepancy be-
tween Mr. Marshall's interesting narra-
tive of De Celoron's expedition and the
accompanying chart, which the writer
would like to have explained.

On page 146 he says, "The sixth and
last of the leaden plates was buried at
this place " — the intersection of the
Great Miami with the Ohio.

On referring to the chart the Fort des
Miamis (Fort Wayne) is marked as one
of the places where a plate was buried, as
well as where latitude and longitude
were observed.

The writer is inclined to believe that
this great gateway to the west — the
portage place from the Maumee to the
Wabash — would have been considered
an important point for such a ceremony,
and that one of De Celoron's plates
must still rest in its grave at Fort
Wayne.

If Mr. Marshall, or some one who
has access to the records of the expedi-
tion, will kindly examine them upon

this point, and give the location, if
recorded, the writer will institute a
search for the plate.

R. S. Robertson.
Fort Wayne, Ind.

Runic inscriptions. — (II. 83, 188).
In the autumn of 1872 the Maine His-
torical Society visited Monhegan Island
for the purpose, among other things, of
making examination of the so-called
runic inscription alleged to be seen
there. I was present on that occasion
by invitation of that society.

This runic inscription is not on Mon-
hegan proper, but on a little isle close
by, called Mouanis by the famous Cap-
tain John Smith. The characters form-
ing it were on the vertical surface of a
dark-colored rock — perhaps trap dike —
(I am not a geologist) fitted closely into
a hard granite rock. At the bottom of
all, or nearly all of these so-called runic
characters, there was plainly to be seen
a crack in the rock. This circumstance
and some others forced me to the be-
lief that these characters were made by
operations of nature and not by any
human agency. Mr. Worsac's judgment
(Note, p. 84) regarding the Runamo
Rock, mutatis mtitandis, applies to the
Mouanis Rock. C. W. T.

Boston.

The long, low, black schooner. —
(II. 251.) Capt. Henry Barnes, of the
Snow Eagle, belonging to Whitehaven, in
a letter dated Rhode Island, August 14,
1776, announces the capture of his ves-
sel off Barbadoes by an American
privateer, which he describes as " a
small affair, black, with ten guns, fifty

REPLIES

309

men. She is called the Montgomery,
Capt. Buckling, commander. We are
the seventh West-Indiaman taken by
this privateer." — Edinburgh Advertiser,
Oct. 22, 1776. Petersfield.

Portrait of columbus. — (II. 188.)
References about the portrait of Colum-
bus will be found in the " Note on
Columbus," prepared for the Catalogue
of the Ticknor Library, in press by the
Boston public Library ; and (the note)
printed separately, 30 copies; copies of
which are in the Lenox and Astor Libra-
ries, New York. J. W.

In Rivington's Gazette of August
30th, 1783, is the following advertise-
ment :

" To be sold: — An original picture of
Christopher Columbus — the discoverer
of America ; also a parcel of very an-
cient Gold and Silver medals, well
worth the attention of the curious. En-
quire of Mrs. Maria Farmer in Hanover
Square."

Mrs. Farmer w r as a descendant of
Liesler, a daughter of the Abraham
Gouverneur who allowed du Simitiere
to make the copies of the Liesler docu-
ments used in England to obtain the
reversal of her attainder, now in the
Philadelphia Library Company, and
published in the New York Historical
Society Collections for 1868.

Y. E. L.

A copy of an original painting of
Columbus was presented, in the year
1818, to the Pennsylvania Academy of
Arts by R. W. Meade. During Mr.
Meade's residence in Madrid in 1815,

he ascertained that the Duke of Vera-
guas, a descendant of Columbus, and
the possessor of his estate and titles,
had an original portrait of his illustrious
ancestor. Mr. M. obtained permission
to have it copied. And it was this copy
that was presented as above stated.

Wm. H. Newton.
St. Georges, Del.

Fall of the alamo. — (II. 1, 189,
251.) The survivors of the Alamo were:
Mrs. Dickinson, her infant daughter, a
negro servant of Colonel Travis, and
two Mexican women. This is the ac-
count furnished by Mrs. Dickinson to
the Telegraph of March 24th, 1836.
This child, afterwards known as the
" Daughter of the Alamo," became, when
she grew up, the victim of seduction, and
for years led a life of shame in Houston,
Galveston and elsewhere. She died
some three or four years since.

Francisco Antonio Ruiz, Alcalde of
Bexar, in his account of the affair, which
was published in the " Texas Almanac
for i860," pp. 80, 81, says that as soon
as the storming commenced he crossed
the bridge on Commerce street with the
political chief Don Ramon Murquiz and
other members of the corporation, ac-
companied by the curate Refugio de la
Garcia, for the purpose of looking after
the wounded. They were fired upon by
some Mexican dragoons and fell back.
The account continues :

"Half an hour had elapsed when
Santa Ana sent one of his aide-de-camps
with an order for us to come before him.
He directed me to call on some of the
neighbors to come up with carts to carry
the dead to the cemetery, and also to

3io

REPLIES

accompany him, as he was desirous to
have Colonels Travis, Bowie and Crock-
ett shown to him.

" On the north battery of the fortress
lay the lifeless body of Colonel Travis
on the gun-carriage, shot only in the
forehead. Toward the west and in the
small fort opposite the city we found
the body of Colonel Crockett. Colonel
Bowie was found dead in his bed in one
of the rooms of the south side.

" Santa Ana, after all the Mexicans
were taken out, ordered wood to be
brought to burn the bodies of the
Texans. He sent a company of dra-
goons with me to bring wood and dry
branches from the neighboring forest.
About three o'clock in the afternoon
they commenced laying the wood and
dry branches, upon which a pile of dead
bodies was placed ; more wood was piled
on them, and another pile brought ; and
in this manner they were all arranged in
layers. Kindling wood was distributed
through the pile, and about five o'clock
in the evening it was lighted. * * *

" The men burnt numbered 182. I was
an eye-witness, for as Alcalde of San
Antonio, I was with some of the neigh-
bors collecting the dead bodies and
placing them on the funeral pyre."

In the Telegraph of March 28, 1837,
is an account of the burial of the ashes,
from which the following is copied :

" In conformity with an order of the
general commanding the army at head-
quarters, Colonel Seguin with his com-
mand, stationed at Bexar, paid the
honors of war to the remains of the
heroes of the Alamo. The ashes were
found in their places ; the two smallest
heaps were carefully collected, placed in

a coffin neatly covered with black and
having the names of Travis, Bowie and
Crockett engraved on the inside of the
lid, and carried to Bexar and placed in
the parish church, where the Texian flag,
a rifle and sword were laid upon it, for
the purpose of being accompanied by a
procession which was formed at three
o'clock on the 25th of February ; the
honors to be paid were announced in
orders of the evening previous, and by
the tolling knell from daybreak to the
hour of interment. At four o'clock the
procession moved from the church in
Bexar in the following order :

" Field officers; staff officers ; civil au-
thorities ; clergy ; military not attached
to the corps, and others ; pall-bearers ;
coffin ; pall-bearers ; mourners and rela-
tives ; music ; battalions ; citizens.

" The procession then passed through
the principal street of the city, crossed
the river, passed through the principal
avenue on the other side, and halted at
the place where the first ashes had been
gathered ; the coffin was then placed
upon the spot, and three volleys of mus-
ketry were discharged by one of the
companies ; the procession then moved
on to the second spot, whence part of
the ashes in the coffin had been taken,
where the same honors were paid ; the
procession then proceeded to the prin-
cipal spot and place of interment, where
the graves had been prepared ; the coffin
had been placed in the principal heap
of ashes, when Col. Seguin delivered a
short address in Spanish, followed by
Major Western in English, and the
ashes were buried.

" Thus," says the editor, " have the
last sad rites of a Christian burial been

REPLIES

311

performed over the remains of these
brave men. In after times, when peace
shall have returned to smile upon our
prosperous country, a towering fabric of
architecture shall be reared by their
grateful countrymen above their ashes,
designating Bexar as the monumental
city of Texas ; where long after the
massive walls of the Alamo shall have
crumbled into dust, the votaries of free-
dom shall yearly assemble to celebrate
at the tomb of heroes the mighty achieve-
ments of the unreturning brave."

This note is already too long, and I
forbear further copying of memoranda
regarding the Fall of the Alamo, unless
called for. C. H. C.

Houston, Texas.

Lord percy at brandywine. — (II.
121.) Hugh, Earl Percy, afterwards
second Duke of Northumberland, who
was in this country in the early days of
the Revolution, and commanded some
forces at the battle of Lexington, and
was afterwards engaged in the reduction
of Fort Washington, left the country
prior to the battle of Brandywine, and
died in England on the 10th of July,
1 81 7, at the age of seventy-four years.

Was there a younger member of the
house of Percy at the battle of Brandy-
wine "as a volunteer in the suite of one
of the British Generals ? " and was he
slain in that battle and buried on the
field ? The story that there was, as we
have it in print, was written by Col. Wil-
liam L. Stone, in an account of a visit
to the field of Brandywine, published in
the New York Commercial Advertiser in
1831, under the title of "Notes by the
Way." It found its way into many

other papers of the day, and was
copied by Watson in his " Annals of
Philadelphia." I do not know what
authority Col. Stone had for the detailed
account of the fall of the "sprightly
and chivalrous descendant of the Per-
cies," given by him. He refers to it as
derived from tradition, and speaks of an
old resident then yet living near the spot,
who had been forced into the service of
Cornwallis as a guide.

There is no doubt that there was a
tradition that a member of the house of
Percy had fallen there. Joseph Town-
send, an intelligent member of the
Society of Friends, who, at the time of
the battle was a young man, residing
near to the field, and who was with
that part of the British army under
Cornwallis during a portion of the day ;
and afterwards assisted in burying the
dead, about the year 1834, when in the
78th year of his age, wrote a narrative of
the events of the battle as they fell under
his observation, in which, in speaking of
the dead interred in the Friends' burying
ground at Birmingham, he says : " One
of them, said to be a near connection of
the Duke of Northumberland, a young
man of the name of Percy."

The idea, however, of pointing out
the site of the grave of this supposed
scion of the house of Percy is simply
preposterous. Many British soldiers
who were slain were buried in this grave-
yard, in and around which the battle
raged, and pieces of their clothing were
formerly frequently thrown up in dig-
ging new graves.

The late Dr. William Darlington, who
was born and reared on the field of
Brandywine, and who gave much atten-

tion 10 the subject of the bank aad was recent bxtgrtplikal tribute, the cor

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REPLIES

313

forgave, the other charges not being
proven. He was broken by a court
martial after conviction for various of-
fences in 1778. He then joined the
British in New York, and obtained from
Sir Henry Clinton authority to raise a
regiment of provincials. In this, after a
long trial, he failed, but was allowed
half pay. He finally went to England,
and in the character of a suffering loyal-
ist, got his half pay confirmed, and a
grant of a small sum of money, and a
tract of land in Nova Scotia. He was
without principle, and the only military
knowledge he had, was acquired as a
private in the Prussian army. While
serving in the American army in Canada,
he behaved badly under fire, and drew
off his forces. " This man was undoubt-
edly a coward ; " says Scott in his life
of Lamb ; and Mr. Willett, in his life of
his father, affirms that he, as well as
Zedwitz, deserted to the enemy. Sa-
bine, in his Loyalists, says, "Ritzema ,

of New York, and son of Rev. Johanus
Ritzema. Before the Revolution he
kept a military school at Tarrytown.
He was an officer in the service of the
Crown." And Ritzema describes him-
self in his own will, as "Late Lieutenant-
Colonel, Commandant in his Majesty's
Provincials in North America" as given
by the sketch (II. 164), which of itself
is proof positive that he went over from
the American to the British service.
Like others at that day he was a mere
soldier of fortune, to say the least.

Your editorial note appended to the
publication of his journal (I. 107) is
corect as far as it goes.

The statement in my paper in the N.
Y. Geneological Record that David Rit-

zema Bogert bequeathed a portrait of his
grandfather, Dominie Ritzema, to the
New York Historical Society is» not "a
mistake." It is so stated by Mr. Bogert's
niece in No. IX of the appendix to her
"Memoir of the Life of Eliza S. M.
Quincy " (her mother), the wife of
President Quincy. If the portrait is not
in the Society's possession, that circum-
stance does not affect the fact of the be-
quest. Edward F. de Lancey.

The four kings of Canada. — The
Magazine of American History, (II. p.
151), contains an interesting account of
these worthies. They do not, however,
seem to have been in very good repute
in their lifetime, and if Colden's Letters
on Smith's History of New York (N. Y.
Hist. Soc'y Coll., 1868) be taken "au
pied de la lettre," the gubernatorial
showmen were first-class Barnums, and
the English people as easily gulled as
the crazed public who ran after the
Feejie mermaid and the Woolly Horse.
Here is what Colden says of the Four
Kings :

" Mr. Smith makes such mention of
Col. Peter Schuyler on several occasions
that had you known him as I did you
would pay little regard to Mr. Smith's
characters, whether in panegyric or sa-
tire. Col. Schuyler was a plain country
farmer, who had on some occasions given
proof of his courage ; this, with strong
connections between that family and
some of the Mohawk tribe, gave him a
considerable interest with the Mohawks,
but as to the other tribes it was in no
respect such as Mr. Smith represents it.
His whole exterior and deportment had
much of the Indian mixed with the sul-

314

REPLIES

len Dutch manner. He was no way
distinguished by abilities, either natural
or acquired, and you may judge his
sense of honour by his being prevailed
on by Mr. Nicholson to join with him in
the grossest imposition on the Queen
and the British nation by carrying to
England five or six common Indians
and making them personate, one the
Emperor of the Five Nations and the
others the Kings of each nation. He
might have paid dear for such an attempt
had it not been that the Ministry were
at that time fond of amusing the peo-
ple with the eclat of such an appearance
at court, for they might easily have been
informed, if they knew it not, that there
is no such thing among the Five Na-
tions as either emperor or king. The
Five Nations so far resented it that they
never afterwards would suffer one of
these Indians to appear in their public
councils. I saw, several years after this,
one of these Indians standing at a dis-
tance among the women and young men,
while the Five Nations were at a public
conference with the Governor of New
York."

In this connection Smith's account of
their visit to England may be interest-
ing : " The arrival of the five Sachems
in England made a great bruit through-
out the whole kingdom. The mob fol-
lowed where ever they went, and small
cuts of them were sold among the people.
The court was at that time in mourning
for the death of the prince of Denmark.
These American kings were therefore
dressed in black under cloths, after the
English manner, but instead of a blanket
they had each a scarlet ingrain cloth
mantle edged with gold, thrown over all

their other garments. This dress was
directed by the dressers of the play-
house and given by the queen, who was
advised to make a show of them. A
more than ordinary solemnity attended
the audience they had of her majesty.
Sir Charles Cotterel conducted them in
two coaches to St. James, and the Lord
Chamberlain introduced them into the
royal presence. Their speech on the
19th of April, 1710, is preserved by
Oldmixon." Mohawk.

APRIL PROCEEDINGS

OF THE NEW YORK HISTORICAL

SOCIETY

The regular monthly meeting was held
in the Hall of the Society, Tuesday eve-
ning April 2d, 1878, the President,
Frederic de Peyster, LL.D., in the
chair.

A report was presented from the Ex-
ecutive Committee, in accordance with a
resolution offered at the March meeting
by Rev. Dr. Samuel Osgood, in regard to
the appreciation by the Society of the pri-
vate virtues and various important public
services of the late Theodore Roosevelt,
Esq., a member of the Society, which
was ordered to be recorded in the
minutes.

Mr. Henry Cruger Van Schaack, of
Manlius, then read an extremely inter-
esting paper, full of personal reminiscen-
ces, entitled "A Centennial Mansion ;"
and some other Old Dutch Houses of
Kinderhook, with their Historic Asso-
ciations.

Remarks were made by the President
and Mr. Benedict, Chancellor of the
University, after which the Society ad-
journed.

LITERARY NOTICES

315

(Publishers of Historical Works wishing Notices, will address the Editor, with
Copies, Box 100, Station D — N. Y. Post office.)

DECOUVERTES ET ETABLISSEMENTS
des francais dans l'ouest et dans le sud
de l'Amerique Septentrionale (1614-
1754). Memoires et Documents Originaux
receuillis et publies par Pierre Margry,
&c.

Premiere Partie. — Voyages des Francais
sur les Grands Lacs et Decouverte de
l'Ohio et du Mississipi (1614-1684). 8vo,
pp. 618. D. Jouart, Paris, 1876.

Discoveries and Settlements of the
French in the West and South of North
America (1614-1754). Memoirs and original
Documents, collected and published by
Pierre Margry.

First Part. — Voyages of the French on
the Great Lakes, and Discovery of the
Ohio and Mississippi (1614-1684).

This is the first of a series of volumes which
promises to be of great interest to students of
American history. They are published, we are
informed, at the expense of the American Gov-
ernment, which some time since made an appro-
priation for the purpose. The present volume,
which is prefixed by a pleasing engraving of
Cavalier de la Salle, begins with an account of
the Recollets who established the first missions
in the West and South, chiefly devoted to
their labors among the Hurons, and their diffi-
culties with the Quebec Government, which was
always jealous of their influence and power.
Their leaders were Joseph le Baron and Jean
d'Olbeau. Chapter II. recites the endeavors at
settlement on the borders of Lake Ontario,
where we find the familiar names of Bourdon
and Dupuys, of Father Isaac Jogues, Lemoyne,
Chaumonet, Dablon and others, missionaries
and pioneers from 1646 to 1687. Chapter III.
is an extract from the "Relation la Nouvelle
France,' of 1643, with some details upon the life
of Jean Nicollet. Chapter IV. contains a sketch
of Father Allouez, missionary to the Nation of
the Onaouans (1613-1659.) Chapter V. is en-
titled " The views of Jean Talon on the possibil-
ity of extending the French power in North
America, entertained by Spaniards. Chapter
VI. is devoted to an account of the Voyage of
Cavalier de la Salle with the Sulpician Fathers
Dollier, de Casson and Brehan de Gallinee, upon
which the Ohio was discovered, in 1669, the
most interesting portion of which is contained in
a relation of the voyage by the Abbe de Galli-
nee. Chapter VII. describes the Voyage of

Daniel Remy de Courcelles, Governor of New
France, to Lake Ontario. Chapters VIII. and
IX., the Voyage of Comte de Frontenac to Lake
Ontario, and the correspondence regarding the
same. Chapter X. relates the various efforts
made to civilize the Savages from 1672 and 1674,
and sundry reasons in favor of increasing the
number of the Recollets, and their dispatch on
distant missions. Chapter XL describes the
discovery of the Mississippi by Louis Jolliet,
accompanied by Pere Marquette. Chapter XII.
is concerned with the first return of Cavalier de
la Salle to France, where he obtained from the
King letters of nobility, a grant of land near
Lake Ontario, and the government of Fort
Frontenac. Chapter XIII., his course as com-
mander of the Fort, and his efforts to improve
his grant. Chapter XIV. gives a general de-
scription of the state of Canada, the abuses of
power by Frontenac, the traffic in ardent spirits,
and the intrigues against La Salle, together
with the efforts of Jolliet to obtain a grant of
the Illinois country. Chapter XV., the refusal
of permission to Jolliet to establish himself in
the Illinois, La Salle's second Voyage to France,
and the new powers entrusted to him. Chapter
XVI. gives a sketch of the relations by La Salle,
to a friend of the Abbe de Gallinee, of his obser-
vations among the Iroquois and on the state of
Canada. Chapter XVII. describes La Salle's
part in the deliberations of 1678 on the traffic in
spirits with the Savages. Chapter XVIII. re-
fers to the assistance rendered La Salle by his
family to enable him to cany out his enterprises
from 1678 to 1683. Chapter XIX. is the official
relation, made by order of Colbert, of La Salle's
enterprises from 1679 to 1681. Chapter XX.,
an account by young Nicolas de La Salle of the
enterprise of Robert Cavalier during the year
1682, when he descended the Mississippi to its
mouth, went up in return to Quebec, after visit-
ing various nations and taking possession of the
country in the name of the King of France.
Chapter XXI. closes the volume with the rela-
tion of Henri de Tonty of the Voyages and
Settlements of the French on the Lakes and the
Mississippi, under the orders of La Salle and
de Tonty, from 1678 to 1684.

We have been thus elaborate in an enumera-
tion of the contents of this volume because of its
rarity, but few copies having as yet reached this
country. The second is just published, and will
be noticed in the next number in a similar
manner.

We learn that the appropriation of Congress was
secured by the active influence of Mr. S. L. M. Bar-
low of this city, who deserves the thanks of our
historical world for his well-timed interposition.

316

LITERARY NOTICES

The series will include about fourteen volumes,
the first three of which are to be devoted to
La Salle.

MICHIGAN PIONEER COLLECTION.
Report of the Pioneer Society of the
State of Michigan, together with Reports
of County. Town and District Pioneer Soci-
eties. Vol. I. 8vo, pp. 554. W. S. George
& Co., Lansing, 1877.

This is the first fruit of the resolution adopted
by the Society at its annual meeting in 1876, to
make a permanent record of its proceedings and
collections. It includes Reports of Counties,
Towns and Districts as to their first settlement,
organization and history, some of which are
interesting and graphic.

WORCESTER IN THE REVOLUTION :
Embracing the Acts of the Town from
1765 to 1783, inclusive ; with an Appendix
by Albert A. Lovell. 8vo, pp. 178.
Tyler & Seagrave, Worcester, 1876.
An interesting and unpretending monograph
of the services of this ancient city in the cause
of American Freedom. We find here recorded
that Isaiah Thomas, whose name is indissolubly
connected with its history, entered Worcester
the day after the battle of Lexington. His
patriotic course as the proprietor of the Massa-
chusetts Spy had compelled him to fly from
Boston. With friendly aid he moved a part of
his presses and type to Worcester, and printed a
number — the first issued there — on the 3d of
May, 1775.

The visit of John Hancock on his way to the
Continental Congress, and of General Burgoyne
on his way to captivity at Boston, are mentioned.
The book is printed in a manner which old
Isaiah Thomas himself would not have been
ashamed of.

THE ONLY AUTHENTICATED COPY,
Full and Complete, of the Last Will
and Testament of George Washington,
of Mt. Vernon, embracing a Schedule of his
Real Estate and Explanatory Notes thereto
by the Testator ; to which are added important
Historical Notes, Biographical Sketches and
Anecdotes. Second edition. By W. H.
Newton. 8vo, pp. 65.

The first edition of this work was issued in
1868, and contained the first publication of the
complete Text of Washington's Will. It was
printed under the supervision of Mr. N. Jackson,

of Virginia. The copyright has since passed
into the hands of Mr. Newton, who has illus-
trated the document with numerous notes and
sketches. The document itself is printed ver-
batim et literatim, and line for line of the orig-
inal. Washington left a property valued by his
own schedule at $530,000.

IN ME MORI AM, THOMAS ALLEN
Jenckes, born November 2, 1818; Died
November 4, 1875. 8vo, pp. 75. Provi-
dence.

A memoir of a favorite son of Rhode Island,
who, in the words of the Providence Journal,
"took to politics with the taste of an American
citizen and the instinct of a Rhode Islander."
During his career he served in both houses of
the General Assembly with acknowledged ability
and distinction, and also as a Representative in
the Thirty-eighth, Thirty-ninth, Fortieth and
Forty-first Congresses. The contributors to this
memoir agree that in the death of Mr. Jenckes
"Rhode Island lost one of her profoundest

MEMORIAL OF THOMAS PERKINS
Shepard, M. D. Read before the Trustees
of the Rhode Island Hospital September 19,
1877, by George J. Chace, President of the
Hospital. 8vo, pp. 33. Rodney S. Rider,
Providence, 1877.

Though bred a physician, Dr. Shepard does
not appear to have paid attention to the practice
of his profession, but passed his life- in chemical
experiments and enterprises. He established
at Providence a laboratory on a large scale for
making chemical reagents, then largely imported
from England, for use in calico print works. In
1875 he was made President of the Manufac-
turing Chemists' Association of the United
States, a body before which he read a paper on
the Nature of Sulphuric Acid. Another on
" Brimstone " caused a reversal by the Secre-
tary of the Treasury of the rulings of the Cus-
tom officials. His life was eminently practical
and useful.

MEMORIAL ADDRESSES ON SEVERAL
Occasions delivered in the Senate by
Henry B. Anthony, a Senator from Rhode
Island. 8vo, pp. 52. Rodney S. Rider,
Providence, 1875.

In this handsomely printed pamphlet, which
is also illustrated with fine portraits, may be
found sketches of various lengths of Douglas,
Fessenden, Major-General Greene of the Conti-

LITERARY NOTICES

317

nental Army. Roger Williams, Jonathan Trum-
bull, Roger Sherman, the Chevalier de Ter-
nay, Charles Sumner and William A. Bucking-
ham. The tributes to his fellows of the Senate
Chamber are marked by warmth and feeling and
a nice appreciation of character. The few words
in which he announced to the Senate the death
of Sumner are peculiarly touching, and the more
elaborate sketch of Fessenden just and felicitous.

THE FINANCES, PANICS AND SPECIE
Payments. By J. W. Schuckers. Third
edition. 8vo, pp. 90. Henry Carey Baird
&Co., Philadelphia, 1877.
An excellent and timely review of the present
situation of the finances of the country. The
preface attests that " there is no good reason for
supposing that the people of the United States
can sustain a greater circulation of soundly-con-
vertible notes than the present aggregate issues
of the National Banks ($384,000,000), but there
are the solidest reasons for the belief that a cir-
culation to that amount would be far too great
for safety." He is also strongly inclined to the
Eastern view, that the greenbacks should be
wholly withdrawn. The evident tendency of
the nation is the other way, and the Western
people are manifestly in favor of a Government
issue and the withdrawal of the National Bank
notes. Some of the facts presented are worthy
of careful consideration, particularly those which
bear upon the question of the amount of coin
needed to support a paper currency always con-
vertible into specie. He points out the incon-
trovertible fact, that in 1857 the country could
not sustain a paper issue of two hundred and
fifteen millions upon a basis of two hundred and
sixty-five millions, the estimated amount of coin
in the United States.

Mr. Schuckers proposes that resumption be
postponed until the public debt be reduced to
four hundred millions of dollars, sufficient to se-
cure the circulating notes of the National Banks.
This certainly will find no favor. It would be
absurd to maintain a debt for the purpose of
enabling moneyed corporations to bank upon it
as a basis. A national debt limited in amount,
and bearing a low rate of interest, is desirable to
the country, as providing a means of safe invest-
ment for those who are unable to manage their
own affairs.

THE APPRECIATION OF MONEY. ITS
Effects on Debts, Industry and Na-
tional Wealth. By A. J. Warner. 8vo,
pp. 93. Henry Carey Baird & Co., Phil-
adelphia, 1877.

Mr. Warner begins his examination by op-
posing to each other two of the popular author-

ities on economic questions ; David A. Wells,
whose article in the North American Review
ascribes the present depression in trade to over
production of commodities, and Professor Bon-
amy Price, who in the Contemporary Review
asserts that over consumption is the hidden
cause. The real cause, says Mr. Warner, is the
appreciation of money. Notwithstanding the
fact that between 1848 and 1873 the stock of
precious metals had increased thirty-six per cent.,
the commerce of the world had increased in a
far greater ratio; that of the United States
and Great Britain, for instance, three to four
hundred per cent. This is undeniably true, and
no doubt this is the cause of many of the per-
turbations which have rendered every species of
business uncertain of late years, but the argu-
ments based upon this fact are not sound. Mr.
Warner is very severe upon Secretary Sherman
for having proposed the demonetization of sil-
ver, and stigmatizes it as a fraud on the people
of the United States. It seems to us that to
compel a creditor by law to take payment in a
metal that may lose its purchasing power at the
rate of ten, twenty or thirty per cent, in as
many weeks, is not the wisest or the most hon-
est legislation.

HISTORY OF MARYLAND. Prepared
for the use of Schools and Academies. By
William Hand Browne and Thomas
Scharf. i6mo, pp. 91. Kelly, Pitt & Co.,
Baltimore, 1878.

This little volume, arranged on the usual plan
of questions and answers, seems to be well
adapted to the use for which it is prepared.
The style is easy, clear and succinct — a great
merit in works of this character. The dangerous
ground of the civil war is touched with prudence.
We notice the statement that the more prudent
even of those who favored the South were op-
posed to the secession of Maryland, as it would
place the Confederate forces at a great disadvan-
tage if they had to defend it.

THE MONEY AND THE FINANCES OF
the French Revolution of 1784 — As-
signats and Mandats. A true history,
including an examination of Dr. Andrew D.
White's "Paper Money Inflation in France."
By Stephen D. Dillaye. 8vo, pp. 68.
Henry Carey Baird & Co., Philadelphia,
1878.

This is a careful and truthful account of the
rise, use and fall of the French Assignats, the
overthrow of which Mr. Dillaye ascribes to the
ease and extent of their forgery, and to the co-
lossal "stock jobbing" of the assignats, the

3i8

LITERARY NOTICES

repeal of the " Maximum," and finally the nul-
lification of the laws, confiscating limited estates
which had been dedicated as security for their
redemption, which passed during the revolution,
were repealed when the reaction set in after the
final defeat of the Coalition.

All of this is an extremely interesting study,
but hardly pertinent to the present condition of
our finances, either in the use made of it by
Mr. White in his attack upon, or by Mr. Dil-
laye in his defence of paper money. A paper
circulation, strictly limited in amount and equiv-
alent to coin, is certainly a valuable adjunct to
the precious metals, but should never be per-
mitted by expansion to drive out that which
alone is real money, gold and silver.

THE EASTERN AND THE WESTERN
Questions. Turkey and the United
States : How they Travel a Common
Road to Ruin. Addressed by way of warn-
ing to President Hayes, by Henry Carey
Baird. 8vo, 16 pp. Henry Carey Baird
& Co., Philadelphia, 1877.
The object of this open letter is, by holding up
the warning of decayed Turkey, to preserve the
United States from the same fate. The reme-
dies proposed are a repeal of the resumption act
and the passage of a law providing for the issue
of the famous Kelley bond, bearing 3.65 per
cent, interest. "More money is wanted," says
Mr. Baird, and he proposes to supply it with
more paper. If we do not speedily have more
paper we shall fall as Turkey has fallen. We
differ from Mr. Baird. If, after the fashion of
Turkey, we do not keep our plighted faith and
observe the letter of our bond, we shall hardly
escape her fate. We want more money, and
believe that the only way to keep it in the
country as a sound basis for expanded credit is
to make a place for it in the circulating medium.

THE HISTORIC MANSIONS AND BUILD-
INGS of Philadelphia ; With some Notice
of their Owners and Occupants. By Thomp-
son Westcott. 8vo, pp. 528. Porter &
Coates, Philadelphia, 1877.
We are delighted to see such evidence of the
increasing interest in local history as this publi-
cation shows, with its handsome page and well-
executed illustrations. Mr. Westcott is well
known as an antiquarian of approved authority,
and has for years devoted himself to the local
history of this ancient city. The reader will
here find descriptions of the churches, historic
halls, and family mansions of the Quaker digni-
taries. Its style is that of easy narrative, and
the book will be found as agreeable in the fam-

ily as it is useful in the study. A thorough
index adds to its value and commends it to the
student.

MR. SUMNER, THE ALABAMA CLAIMS,

and their Settlement : A Letter to the
" New York Herald." By J. C. Bancroft
Davis. 8vo, pp. 20. Douglas Taylor,
New York, 1878.

This reprint from the columns of the New
York Herald of January 4, 1878, has the value
of authority, as Mr. Davis was the Assistant
Secretary of State at the time of the "Claims
Convention," about which so much controversy
has recently taken place. Of course Mr. Davis
takes the part of his chief, Mr. Fish, in the dis-
pute, and sustains his charge of neglect upon
Mr. Sumner, distinctly denying that either Sum-
ner or Motley were the victims of a political
intrigue about St. Domingo. We simply notice
the view advanced.

WASHINGTON COUNTY, AND THE

Early Settlement of the Ohio : Being
the Centennial Historical Address before the
Citizens of Washington County, by Israel
Ward Andrews, LL. D., President of Mari-
etta College. Marietta, Ohio, July 4th, 1876.
8vo, pp. 83. Peter G. Thomson, Cincin-
nati, 1877.

Another of the Centennial discourses deliv-
ered in response to President Grant's Proclama-
tion. Washington is the oldest county in the
great west. The settlement at Marietta in 1788
grew out of the appropriation of land made by
Congress in 1776, and its favorable consideration
of the petition of General Rufus Putnam and
others, in 1783, that their lands be located in
that tract of country. Putnam seems to have
early contemplated an organized emigration to
the West. To Doctor Manasseh Cutler, Mr.
Andrews ascribes the honor of having drafted
the famous ordinance of 1782, the charter of
Western liberties. Marietta was incorporated in
1800. Besides the historical sketch there are
the usual statistical details.

CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE HISTORY OF

Medical Education and Medical Insti-
tutions in the United States of America,
1776-1876. Special Report, prepared for the
United States Bureau of Education, by N. J.
Davis, A. M., M. D. 8vo, pp. 60. Govern-
ment Printing Office, Washington, 1877.
This report was prepared in accordance with
the plan of preparation, for the Centennial Exhi-

LITERARY NOTICES

319

bition, undertaken by the Bureau of Education
of the department of the Interior. The Report
on Public Libraries was the first paper published
of the series, of which this is the second. It is
a short irstime of the progress of medical edu-
cation in the various States of the Union during
the century.

POPULAR GOVERNMENT: A NEW AND
Simple Plan for Making Ours Effect-
ively a Government "of the People,
by the People, and for the People ; "
Practical improvements for holding constantly
determined who are the people, and effective
methods for obtaining legal expressions of
their best intelligence, judgment and will in
all public matters. By Josiah Riley and
W. S. Rosecrans. 8vo, pp. 98, and Index,
pp. XIX. Shelton & Co., San Francisco,
1878.

A memorial addressed to the Legislatures of
the several States, together with an act relating
to Registration, &c. The plan is too compre-
hensive and elaborate for examination here.
All nominations are proposed to be made at a
general primary election ; the electors may also
instruct their representatives by vote, and those
disobeying may be removed by the Legislature.
There does not seem to be the slightest chance
of any attention being paid to General Rose-
crans' recommendations.

MEMOIR OF THE CENTENNIAL CELE-
BRATION of Burgoyne's Surrender, held
at Schuylerville, N. Y., under the auspices of
the Saratoga Monument Association, on the
I2th of October, 1877. Prepared by William
L. Stone, Secretary of the Association. 8vo,
pp. 189. Joel Munsell, Albany, 1878.
This handsomely printed volume gives a de-
tailed account of the proceedings on the centen-
nial of this memorable event, enclosed in a
pleasing descriptive narrative by the accom-
plished and devoted gentleman who is the Secre-
tary of the Association. The Hon. Charles S.
Lester was the President of the day. The main
address was delivered by the Hon. Horatio
Seymour, and is one of his happiest speeches.
The oration was one of the brilliant flights of
George William Curtis ; the poem a spirited
effort from the pen of Alfred B. Street. Mr.
Stone also delivered an historical address, and
B. W. Throckmorton treated of Arnold in par-
ticular. We must not pass over the ode of our
fellow citizen, General J. Watts de Peyster, in
which the name of Gates is, curiously enough,
omitted.

BURGOYNE ; A POEM WRITTEN FOR

the Centennial Celebration at Schuylerville on
the 17th October, 1877, of Burgoyne's Sur-
render. By Alfred B. Street. Svo, pp.
66. Weed, Parsons & Co., Albany, 1877.
This is the full text of the poem of over two
thousand lines, prepared by Mr. Street at the
request of the Saratoga Monument Association,
a part only of which was delivered at the cele-
bration. It is full of wit, imagery, charming
description and spirit-stiring thoughts befitting
such an occasion and such a theme. Especially
are we delighted with the fascinating picture of
the ascent of Lake Champlain by Burgoyne's
flotilla.

11 Now stately shone the scene,
June in the forests each side smiling green ! "

The whole of the campaign is recited, and we
are happy to say that the name of Gates is not
omitted when the laurels are distributed.

RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL TRACTS,
No. I. The Capture of General Richard
Prescott by Lieut. -Colonel William Bar-
ton. An Address delivered at the Centennial
Celebration of the Exploit at Portsmouth, R.
I., July 10, 1877. By J. Lewis Diman. 4to,
pp. 65. Sidney S. Rider, Providence, 1877.
A pretty little volume, on fine paper, with a
broad margin, and prefaced by a photographic
sketch of the hero celebrated. This is the first
of a neat series, which we hope may have many
followers.

TWENTY-NINTH ANNUAL REPORT OF
the Trustees of the Astor Library for
the Year ending December 31, 1877,
transmitted to the Legislature January 16,
1878. Svo, pp. 20. Jerome P. Parmenter.
1878.

This report shows the increase in this noble
institution during the year 1877. The report of
the able superintendent, Mr. J. Carson Brevoort,
shows the additions to the library during the year
by purchase and donation to have amounted to
11,533. A careful examination shows the skill
with which these additions have been selected.
Watching carefully the demand upon the library
from the public, Mr. Brevoort gave proper pref-
erence to the classes of works thus indicated,
and has aimed at absolute completeness in all
necessary branches, leaving those more neglected
for future addition. We learn with regret and
surprise that Mr. Brevoort has resigned his
post and withdrawn from the superintendence.
There is no man in the United States so well
fitted by his experience, habits and information

320

LITERARY NOTICES

as Mr. Brevoort for the position of superintend-
ent of a great public library. An accomplished
linguist, an enthusiastic collector of history, an
excellent bibliopole and thorough cartographer,
Mr. Brevoort is besides the most ready of men
in his general information, and the most cour-
teous gentleman in his manner of imparting it.
He cannot be replaced. It is surprising that the
trustees can be so blind to the interests of the
institution and the wishes of the public as to
consent to his withdrawal, if it can in any man-
ner be averted.

RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL TRACTS,
No. 2. Visit of the Northmen. By Al-
exander Farnum. 4to, pp. 41. Sidney
S. Rider, Providence, 1877.
In this we find a close argument in support
of the theory that the Northmen discovered
America in the tenth century, and that the vine
clad shores described in the ancient Sagas were
those of Narragansett Bay. We see no reason
why the Northmen should not have followed the
Gulf Stream to ascertain its source, a route
which would have brought them close to New-
port Harbor.

We await the third tract with interest. It is
announced to be the Journal of Lieutenant
Hadden, of the artillery in Burgoyne's army.

BIBLIOTHECA AMERICANA, 1878. CAT-
alogue of a valuable collection of
Books and Pamphlets Relating to Amer-
ica, with a descriptive list of Robert Clarke
& Co.'s historical publications. 8vo, pp. 261
and pp. 64. Robert Clarke & Co., Cin-
cinnati, 1878.

This valuable volume is a priced catalogue of
a large collection, nearly seven thousand items
of books and pamplets relating to America, for
sale by this interprising house. Among them
are twenty-five pre-Columbian items.

We commend it to the perusal of our collect-
ors. It will aid to fill the gaps in many a library.

THE NORTH AMERICAN REVIEW,

March-April, 1878. No. 261. D. Apple-
ton & Co., New York.

Among other valuable articles in this inter-
esting number is an admirable comparison of
the English and American Universities by the
most competent authority in the country, Presi-
dent Eliot of Harvard College. The tone is
not very encouraging, and our only solace is
the closing paragraph, that "Americans can only
hope that one or two centuries hence there may
exist here a few Universities of equal dignity,
power and renown with Oxford and Cambridge."

General Richard Taylor gives a third chapter
of his reminiscences, entitled Stonewall Jackson
and the Valley Campaign.

Interest will be found also in Rabbi Gustav
Gottheil's Position of the Jews in America. He
brings into strong relief the true reason of the
success of this remarkable race, which history
shows to be their patriotic devotion in every
country to the institutions and government under
which they live — and the theory of the rabbin-
ical creed that idleness is sin.

THE INTERNATIONAL REVIEW, March

-April, 1878. A. S. Barnes & Co., New

York.

In this number we find several articles of an
historical nature. In the first, entitled Remi-
niscences of Alexander H. Stephens vs. those of
General Richard Taylor, the Vice-President of the
Confederacy handles the General without gloves,
and distinctly denies the correctness of his state-
ment as to their interview, which he terms a per-
fect Munchausenism. New York and its History
is discussed by General J. Watts de Peyster in a
review of Mrs. Lamb's work.. The method of
electing the President receives attention from
Judge Cooley of Michigan and Representative
Hewitt of New York. Dr. Osgood completes
his disquisition on Modern Love, and in a sec-
ond number brings this Ever Interesting subject
down to date in a view of ourselves ; we are not
what we should be, man or woman, but we
might be worse ; with this we must content our-
selves. From the closing paragraph, we infer
that the Doctor intends to call a congress, after
the fashion of a "Symposium," and ask them
what they think about love.

SOUTHERN HISTORICAL SOCIETY PA-
PERS. March, 1878. Edited by Rev. J.
William Jones, D. D. Richmond, Va.
In this number we find the true story of the
capture of Jefferson Davis, in which it is dis-
tinctly asserted that "while he did not actually
have on crinoline or petticoats," at the time of
his arrest, "there is no doubt whatever that he
sought to avoid capture by assuming the dress of
a woman." The dignity of Mr. Davis is strongly
asserted. He seems to have worn a shawl and
a waterproof. There are also some advance
sheets from General Richard Taylor's Remi-
niscences, in which we find a criticism of Sheri-
dan's Shenandoah Valley Campaign, the taste
of which, from a fellow soldier, is not commend-
able. The Valley was the main supply of the
Southern Army until Sheridan took charge and
burned the barns and their contents. He was in
too much haste to take the grain out of the
barns, as General Taylor would perhaps have
done if in his place.

MAGAZINE OF AMERICAN HISTORY

Vol. II JUNE 1878 No. 6

A MONTH AMONG THE RECORDS IN LONDON

IN planning a visit to London last autumn for the purpose of making
some special researches, the writer sought in vain for exact informa-
tion regarding certain of the great historical collections in that city,
and the facilities of access to them. Bearing this deficiency in mind, he
took occasion while in England to gather material for a slight account
of those collections. The statements embodied in the following paper
are based in part upon the answers that were readily given to a stranger's
inquiries, and in part upon the reports and other documents to which he
was referred by the officers of the several institutions.

Foremost among these is the Public Record Office, the great
repository of the national archives. The building in Fetter Lane is a noble
Gothic structure, every way worthy of its purpose, and perhaps, like so
many other public buildings in London, the more imposing because of
the meanness of its approaches and surroundings. Unlike most others,
however, it is a modern and an unfinished edifice. The present Record
Office was erected only a little more than twenty years ago. It is
designed to form ultimately a part of a quadrangle, which will extend
from Fetter Lane to Chancery Lane. The execution of this design will
be needed soon, if it be true that the building is already full.

Admittance to this wonderful collection of historical documents —
the richest, unquestionably, in the world — is gained on compliance with
a simple formality. Before entering the principal search room the visitor
writes his name and address in the attendance book. This done, he is
not only at liberty to call for and inspect documents — under a few regu-
lations of obvious propriety — but he is certain to receive intelligent and
zealous aid from the officers in charge. Of all the records under the
custody of the Master of the Rolls, the public, in official language, "are
allowed the free use ... as far as stands with their safety and integrity,
and with the public policy of the realm."

322 A MONTH AMONG THE RECORDS IN LONDON

The search rooms of the Record Office are open every day except
Sunday, the week between Christmas and New Year's Day, and some
eight or ten specified days besides. The hours of attendance are from
ten till four o'clock, except on Saturday, and then from ten till two.
The searcher is allowed to have three documents, books, rolls, or parts
of rolls, at a time. He may take notes or a full copy of any record,
and examine the same with the record. The use of pens and ink is per-
mitted. There are no fees, except where the services of a copyist are
required. Authenticated copies of documents may be obtained upon
application at the rate of one shilling per folio of seventy-two words, in
the case of documents to the end of the reign of George the Second;
and of sixpence per folio, in the case of documents of later date.
Authenticated copies of plans, drawings, etc., are made for a fee of two
shillings and sixpence per hour.

As to the contents of this magnificent collection, little can be said
within the limits of the present paper. The archives here preserved are
of two kinds — the Public Records, and the State Papers. Under the
name of Public Records are comprehended "all rolls, records, writs,
books, proceedings, decrees, bills, warrants, accounts, papers, and docu-
ments whatsoever of a public nature belonging to " the Sovereign. The
State Papers consist of the correspondence, treaties, and government
records formerly kept in the office of the Secretary of State. These two
classes of archives are now in the care of one officer, the Master of the
Rolls.

Of the Public Records, the most famous and the one most prized is
of course the " Domesday Book," the two volumes of which — the one a
folio, the other a quarto — are here preserved in a glass case. The
oldest national document in existence, the record of a survey of the
kingdom made by order of William the Conqueror about the year 1080 ;
this work claims mention by itself as the very central gem of the vast
treasury. Leaving it in its peerless grandeur, we may view the mass
of the public archives in their accepted classification as the records of
the four great courts of the realm — the Courts of Chancery, Queen's
Bench, Exchequer and Common Pleas.

For the student of history, the most important of these are the
records of the Court of Chancery. Here are the Close Rolls, the Patent
Rolls, the Rolls of Parliament, and others too numerous to be named.
The Close Rolls, so called because their contents being of a private
nature they were closed up or sealed when originally issued, begin with
the reign of King John, and form an unbroken series to this day. They

A MONTH AMONG THE RECORDS IN LONDON 323

relate to a great variety of subjects — the ancient privileges of peers and
commons — the affairs of the royal household — the prerogatives of the
Crown — the authority of the Church — the powers of courts. " Little,
in short," says Ewald, "that concerns the naval and military, the civil
and ecclesiastical, the legal and diplomatic affairs of the kingdom, is not
to be found upon the miles of parchment which constitute the collection
of the Close Rolls." '

The Patent Rolls took their name from the fact that unlike the for-
mer class of documents they were open, unsealed, or rather having the
royal seal hanging at the bottom of the sheet of parchment on which
they were written. These records are equally ancient with the Close
Rolls, and equally complete. They embrace too as great a variety of
matter. " Hardly a single subject connected with the history and
government of the country but receives illustration from this magnifi-
cent collection. Is a castle besieged by the king, a papal interdict
removed, a safe conduct granted — are church lands bestowed on begging
clergy, negotiations entered into with foreign princes, powers of ambas-
sadors regulated, titles of nobility created, charters confirmed, procla-
mations drawn up, licenses to hold, sell, and marry — all, Avhether relating
to political, social, ecclesiastical, or commercial life, are to be found
recorded on the membranes of the Letters Patent." a

The records of the Court of Exchequer come next in importance for
the student. Chief among these is the Great Roll, known as the Pipe
Roll, from its resemblance, it is said, to a pipe. The succession of these
records is almost uninterrupted from the reign of Henry the Second to
the present time. They relate to the collection of the crown revenues,
and from the incidental mention of estates and households, much may
be gathered for the illustration of local and family history, as well as for
that of the people and country at large. Here too are the Memoranda
and Originalia Rolls, and here are the Black and Red Books of the
Exchequer, and other records of the fees paid and the services rendered
by the knights of the realm.

The records of the Court of Common Pleas, and those of the
Queen's Bench, are of special interest for the lawyer rather than the
student of history. In addition to these the Record Office possesses the
ancient archives of courts that have no longer an existence, as the
famous Star Chamber. It is not, however, for musty documents of the
remote past only that we must come to this great repository of the
nation's archives ; for under the present law, all records of courts above
twenty years old are to be gathered here.

324 A MONTH AMONG THE RECORDS IN LONDON

The State Papers of Great Britain have been until a very recent
date almost inaccessible to the public. Permission to inspect any portion
of them was obtained with difficulty ; and then the condition of the
documents was such as to render the examination very laborious. To
the late Master of the Rolls, the scholar is indebted both for the greatest
possible freedom in searching these archives, and for every desirable
facility in the work. The papers are now arranged in chronological
order, under a fourfold distribution : — Domestic, Foreign, Colonial, and
State Papers relating to Ireland. Indexes and catalogues have been
constructed, and the invaluable series of Calendars — emphatically useful
to the American student, at his great remove from original sources of
information — has been initiated.

The important work of publishing historical documents of special
interest was commenced early in the present century by the Record
Commissioners ; and of this series, one hundred and five folio volumes
were printed, nearly all of them before the incorporation of the Public
Record Office with the State Paper Office. Many of these volumes are
now out of print. It was not until the public archives were united
under the care of the Master of the Rolls in 1858, that the publication
of the Calendars of State Papers was undertaken. Ninety octavo vol-
umes of these Calendars have appeared, and the publication is proceeding
at the rate of two or three volumes yearly. These works do not follow
in chronological order ; but under the plan pursued in the preparation
of the Calendars, different editors take up separate reigns, and the
breaks in the series are gradually filling up. At present there are breaks
between the years 1530 and 1660. When these shall be closed the series
of Calendars will represent all the State Papers from the year 1509 to
the year 1667. For later periods there are manuscript lists which serve
as Calendars. 3

Another department of publication under the direction of the Master
of the Rolls, is that of Chronicles and Memorials of Great Britain and
Ireland during the Middle Ages. This series was undertaken with a
view to the preparation of a uniform and convenient edition of the
works of the ancient historians of the country. In selecting these, pref-
erence was given to works of which the manuscripts were unique, or
the materials of which would help to fill up blanks in English history
for which no satisfactory and authentic information existed in an
accessible form. Sixty-nine works, or one hundred and forty-five vol-
umes have already been published. They embrace the period from the
earliest time of English history down to the reign of Henry VII. 4

A MONTH AMONG THE RECORDS IN LONDON 325

In all, the Record publications number not far from four hundred
volumes. Among these are fac-simile editions of the Domesday Book,
and of a selection of national manuscripts from William the Conqueror
to Queen Anne.

Our admiration of the treasures possessed by England in her
national archives, and of the care taken to preserve them, is mingled
with wonder in view of the neglect and abuse to which they have been
subject until a very recent day. The story as told by Thomas and by
Ewald is a strange one. As we read it the marvel grows, not that much
should have disappeared from the mass of precious material, but that
so much should have come down to us, and that as if by some law of
survival of the fittest, so many of the richest and rarest documents
belonging to the nation's history should have passed safely through the
dangers of fire and flood. For a hundred years, even down to our own
times, the Domesday Book with other invaluable records lay within a
few feet of a brewery and wash-house, reported as dangerous from
exposure to fire. Thirty years ago four thousand cubic feet of the
national records were heaped in some sheds near Charing Cross, rotting
in the damp, and yielding food and lodgings to an army of rats, to dis-
possess which a dog was found useful when the time came for the
removal of the inorganic remains. Later still, the great Roll of the
Exchequer, with a mass of other documents relating to the public
revenues from the days of Henry the Second, was kept in the stables of
Carlton House. Here piles of records thirty feet high were stored in a
sort of barn, which, had it caught fire, would have been destroyed in
twenty minutes. One of the chief repositories of the national archives,
only a quarter of a century ago, was the Tower of London ; in the
vaults of which there was a gunpowder magazine, which if exploded
would, it was estimated, destroy one-half of London. 5 Here were
Chancery records from the days of King John. Here was the treaty
with Robert the Bruce, and the treaty of the Cloth of Gold. It is
but a little more than forty years since the State Papers, which had long
been kept in one old house and another, suffering from vermin and wet,
were placed in a fire-proof building. In 1848, thirty-five sacks of records
were recovered from a cellar under a law office. In 1852, one of the
keepers of records reported that a workman had brought home some
article purchased at a cheesemonger's shop wrapped up in a manuscript,
which proved to belong to a volume of records of the Court of Common
Pleas ; and a considerable part of the book was rescued at a cost of one
shilling and sixpence. These facts are consoling, when viewed in con-

::.- A MONTH AMONG THE RECORDS IX LONDON

::ion with the present state — the great completeness, and security.
and accessibility — of the British archives. They show that it is worth
while to seek perseveringly and faithfully the preservation of public
records. They show that appearances to the contrary notwithstanding,
it is possible to rouse public sentiment to the importance — even at the
cost of some thousands to the public purse — of measures for the safe-
keeping and the well-ordering of the precious material of history.

Coming from a land where it may be said, that except in the large
cities the State gives itself no concern about the birth, marriage or death
of the citizen, an American is hardly prepared to look in so grand a
building as Somerset House for the Office of the Registrar-General.
Seen from the Thames with its imposing Grecian facade, just the length
of the old Capitol at Washington, it seems every whit a palace ; as
indeed it occupies the site and inherits the name of the old palace of the
Duke oi Somerset, which was removed to make room for it a hundred
years ago. Somerset House covers a vast area between the Strand and
the Thames Embankment. It forms a quadrangle enclosing a large
court. The building is occupied by several departments of the public
service — the Inland Revenue, the Exchequer ana Audit Office, a portion
of the Admiralty, as well as the Office of the Registrar-General of
Births. Deaths and Marriages.

In this matter of government registration. England is now not quite
half a century in advance of us. Before the vear 1S57. a state of things
prevailed almost as deplorable as that which now prevails here. The
only records of births, deaths and marriages were those that were kept
by religious bodies. And of these only the parish registers were in any
sense official. No others were admissible in evidence before a civil
court. The records voluntarily kept bv the various bodies of Non-con-
formists, numbering not far from one-half of the population, were
without authority or weight in the eye of the State. Until 1S57, persons
of all creeds wishing to marrv were compelled to go through the cere-
mony according to the rites of the Established Church. At present,
marriage can be performed in all places of worship certified as such to
the Registrar-General.

Under the system which has been in operation in England for the
last forty years, the facts of birth, death and marriage, with many par-
ticulars of interest and importance as affecting the social life and health
of the nation, are ascertained and recorded with the utmost care. The
country is divided into districts, of which there are now six hundred
and thirty-one, and sub-districts, of which there are two thousand one

A MONTH AMONG THE RECORDS IN LONDON 527

hundred and ninety-four. 6 In each of these the births and deaths are
registered by persons appointed to the duty. The present law compels
parents under a penalty to record births, and nearest relatives to
record deaths in the register books within a certain number of days.
It is also made the duty of the registrar to ascertain these particulars
so far as may be practicable within his district. From all the dis-
tricts and sub-districts returns are sent weekly, monthly and quarterly
to the Office of the Registrar-General. Here the facts reported are
noted, classified and tabulated by an army of clerks. Births, deaths and
marriages are entered alphabetically and according to date in large folio
volumes, which may be referred to by means of indexes of names.
These volumes are consulted by a great number of persons every day.
The last report of the Registrar-General shows that in 1875 there were
no fewer than twenty-six thousand searches in his office. Up to the
end of that year fifty-four million names had been entered in these
records. It is curious to notice that the whole number of surnames,
counting only distinct varieties, is about thirty thousand.

But another most important use is made of the facts elicited by the
methods of registration. Printed returns of marriages, births and
deaths are issued weekly, monthly and quarterly from the Office of the
Registrar-General, and a full report is published for every year, giving
an enormous amount of details concerning the population of England :
its increase, the rates of mortality, emigration, diseases and casualties,
together with comparative statements relating to other countries. The
value of these results can hardly be over-estimated. It is said upon
high authority that " the attention now paid to public health is in a large
degree owing to the careful collation of the statistics of births and
deaths, and of the causes of death, which have been collected in England
for the last thirty-eight years."

All this, however, is aside from the proper theme of this paper. The
huge folios of the Registrar General, bound in red, black and green,
according to their contents, as records of births, deaths and marriages,
have no attraction for the student of historv, nor even as vet for the
genealogist. But in one of the vaults of Somerset House, where many
thousands of these volumes have already accumulated, the non-paroch-
ial records, as thev are called, find a lodging p^ace. I have said that
previous to the year 1837 the parish registers of England were the only
authoritative records of births, deaths and marriages. When, however,
the present system of civil registration came into use, provision was
made by an Act of Parliament for the collection and safe-keeping of all

328 A MONTH AMONG THE RECORDS IN LONDON

similar registers belonging to religious bodies outside of the Estab-
lished Church. And by another Act, courts of justice were enabled to
admit these non-parochial registers as evidence of births or baptism,
deaths or burials, and marriages. It was of course optional with these
religious bodies to comply with the invitation to surrender their records
for such preservation and authentication, or to retain them in their own
possession. Some chose the latter course. The Roman Catholics and
Jews in particular preferred to keep their old registers. The Society of
Friends at first refused to part with theirs. But most of the Noncon-
formist communions entered heartily into the views of the Government.
The Friends upon sober second thought approved the plan, and the
result was that nearly nine thousand volumes of records were sent up
to Somerset House, where they constitute an exceedingly interesting
and valuable collection of documents, bearing upon the history not only
of families, but also of religious societies and creeds in England for the
past two centuries and more. 7

Before leaving Somerset House I went down into the vaults where
the old non-parochial registers are stored. Here they lie, a motley col-
lection indeed. In this corner, at the right upon entering, are piled up
the records of the famous Fleet marriages. Upon these shelves are
ranged the registers of the Independent congregations — the oldest of
them dating as far back as the year 1644. Here are the ancient records
of the Baptist churches; yonder those of the English Presbyterians,
and the more modern volumes contributed by the Wesleyan denomina-
tion. Among all these registers the palm belongs, for completeness and
accuracy, to those of the Society of Friends. Here are sixteen hun-
dred volumes, kept with characteristic neatness and precision, recording
births, marriages and deaths from the time of George Fox till the year
when they were surrendered to the custody of the Government.

The Registrar-General's Office is open to searchers every day of the
year, except Sunday, Christmas Day and Good Friday, between ten and
four o'clock. A fee of one shilling is required for every search, and a
fee of two shillings and sixpence for a certified extract of any entry.
No fee, however, is required in order to examine the non-parochial
records, when special permission has been sought and obtained. 8

Guildhall, famous for the banquets of the Lord Mayor of London, has
other attractions for the student besides the statues of Gog and Magog
and the splendors of the Court of Common Council. On the east side
of this building, originally the place of meeting for the city guilds, or
companies of craftsmen, the corporation of London has recently erected

A MONTH AMONG THE RECORDS IN LONDON 329

a new Library and Museum. The Library occupies the upper story of
the building. In a house so modern, however, the collection of
books and manuscripts here preserved is of very ancient origin.
Whittington, of nursery celebrity, was one of its early benefactors ; and
here, half a century before the invention of the art of printing, there
existed already a considerable number of written books. Many a Lon-
don citizen of credit and renown took pride in adding to the store.
One instance of private liberality may be held up with due modifica-
tion as an example to moderns. It is that of John Carpenter, whose
will, proved in the year 1/142, has this provision : " If any good or rare
books shall be found amongst the residue of my goods, which by the
discretion of Master William Lichfield and Reginald Pecok may seem
necessary to the common library at Guildhall for the profit of the
students there, and those discoursing to the common people, then I will
and bequeath that those books be placed by my executors and chained
in that library in such form that the visitors and students thereof may
be the sooner admonished to pray for my soul." 9

The great fire of London consumed many of these treasures. Others
had already been carried away to enrich private collections. The Lord
Protector Somerset was a most notable purloiner. It is on record that
he once borrowed three cart-loads of books from Guildhall Library,
"with promise to restore them shortly." The modern book-lender will
read without surprise the historian's comment: "But they were never
returned." The memory of these spoliations, not less than that of the
calamity of 1666, may have discouraged the City Fathers from attempt-
ing to revive the collection. A century and a half passed before the
work was undertaken. The present library is but little more than
fifty years old. It contains a very complete collection of books relating
to the City of London. Its chief value lies of course in the deposit
here made of ancient documents belonging to the Corporation of
London. Much use of this material has been made by great English
writers of our day, but the mine is far from being exhausted. Guild-
hall possesses a number of historical records not less venerable than the
most precious of those in the larger collection in Fetter Lane. Here
are charters, chronicles, collections of laws, ordinances and customs, in
Latin, Norman-French and English, belonging to the twelfth, thirteenth
and fourteenth centuries.. There is the Chronica Francia, the best copy
known of the Great Chronicle of France. Here is an important series
of nine volumes, designated as Remembrancia, a collection commenced
during the reign of Queen Elizabeth, containing copies of correspond-

330 A MONTH AMONG THE RECORDS IN LONDON

ence between the sovereigns, various eminent statesmen, the officers of
the city government and other public men upon matters relating to the
city and the country at large.

The Library of Guildhall is not less accessible to the stranger than
are the other historical collections in London which have been noticed.
In its more popular departments the Corporation has sought to make
it inviting and useful to all classes of readers. For the student every
facility of research is afforded. Many of the rare manuscripts in this
collection have been printed. Indexes have been made to some of the
Letter Books and other records of the Common Council, the earliest of
which go back to the year 1275. The accomplished and efficient
Librarian of Guildhall, W. H. Overall, Esq., F. S. A., has prepared a
valuable index to a part of the important series of records known as the
Remembrancia. Indeed it is to this gentleman that the student is
indebted for many of the facilities now enjoyed for research among
these city archives, and most of all for the personal guidance and help
which are of greater use to him than all the indexes.

The " Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts "
possesses in its correspondence a rich mine of historical information
relating to America. The records of this religious association are not
to be classed as public records, and I have no warrant for saying that
they are accessible to the American student. 10 Some extracts from them
were made a number of years ago, at the request of the General Con-
vention of the Protestant Episcopal Church in this country, and the
volumes containing these extracts have been freely used by the Rev. Dr.
Hawks, the late Mr. Bolton and others in their historical writings. But
the original correspondence is full of interesting matter not as yet made
public. The old Letter Books of the Society, twenty-six in number,
contain copies of letters written by the missionaries, as well as of the
letters addressed to them by the officers of the Society, from the year
1702 to the year 1736. Most of these letters relate to America, for the
greater number of the missionaries sent out at that early day were
stationed in the American provinces.

The British Museum, on account of its manuscript collections, may
properly be mentioned in this paper, but unlike the others that have
been noticed, these collections are fully described in works of reference
well known to all ; and I have nothing to say about them that may not
be found better stated in the books. A month in London might be
spent delightfully within the walls of the British Museum alone. It is
safe to say that no other institution in the world presents so many

A MONTH AMONG THE RECORDS IN LONDON 33 1

attractions to an intelligent visitor. Every one is familiar with the
imposing appearance of the building; the noble Grecian front, nearly
four hundred feet in length ; the central portico, with its double range
of columns and its fine pediment. Ascending the steps of that portico,
and resisting the temptation to turn to the left on entering the main
hall and spend the day in the wonderful galleries of antiquities, the
richest in existence, the lover of books will make his way to the magnifi-
cent Reading Room, a vast rotunda, surmounted by a dome. This
room alone contains upon its walls some eighty thousand volumes, while
the whole number of printed books in the Museum, exclusive of count-
less tracts and pamphlets, exceeds half a million. Access to the Reading
Room of the British Museum is attended with some restrictions that
are not observed in the other collections named. The visitor must
apply in writing to the principal Librarian, stating his name, age,
address and occupation ; and the request must be accompanied by a
recommendation from a householder in London. He must — a con-
dition which young America would particularly resent — be at least
twenty-one years of age. The ticket obtained upon such application
may be made valid for a week or fortnight, or longer, and at the end of
the time specified a fresh application must be made in order to its
renewal. In asking for any work, the reader is required to fill a blank
form with the title of the work wanted, the place and date of publica-
tion — if it be a printed book — the size of the volume, and its press
mark, attaching to this form his signature and the number of the seat
he has selected in the Reading Room. The document thus filled out is
retained at the Superintendent's desk, and the reader is responsible for
the book he has called for until he receives this ticket cancelled upon
returning the volume to the attendant. These little formalities com-
plied with, he can enjoy the conveniences of the admirably lighted and
ventilated room, the well-furnished desk and comfortable chair that are
provided for him, as well as the large library of books of reference
arranged around the room on the ground floor, which he may consult
at pleasure. The desks and seats of the Reading Room, accommodat-
ing three hundred readers, are arranged in lines radiating from the
centre of the room. In the centre is the Superintendent's platform, and
around it two circles of cases contain the folio volumes of the cata-
logue in alphabetical order. This catalogue, a manuscript one, was in
course of preparation when I visited London twenty years ago. It
now fills some two thousand volumes, and is so far from being a novelty
that the attendant whom I questioned could not remember the time
when it was not in full use.

332 A MONTH AMONG THE RECORDS IN LONDON

Of the manuscript collections two possess special interest for the
student of history — the Harleian and the Cottonian. The Harleian
numbers nearly eight thousand volumes. The great design of this won-
derfully rich collection, it is well known, was the illustration of British
history. The Cottonian collection consists of nine hundred volumes,
nearly two hundred of which are State Papers of the highest value.
They include a vast series, relating to the diplomatic intercourse of
England with almost every State of Europe from the reign of Edward
III to that of James I.

The Library of Lambeth Palace, though not one of the largest, is
certainly one of the most important libraries in London. It consists of
some thirty thousand printed books, and about thirteen hundred manu-
scripts ; collected and bequeathed by successive archbishops of the see
of Canterbury, from Bancroft in 1610, to the late Archbishop Howley.
The books were formerly preserved in some of the galleries over the
cloisters. About thirty years ago they were removed to the Great Hall,
a large and elaborately decorated room built in the time of Charles the
Second, on the site of a more ancient building, which was destroyed in
the days of the Commonwealth. As a collection of works bearing both
on the secular and the ecclesiastical history of England, this library is of
rare value. But the chief attraction of course is the collection of manu-
scripts. These are kept in two upper rooms ; the one of which contains
the Acts of the Archbishops of Canterbury from the year 1278. In the
other, besides a number of illuminated manuscripts, there is a large col-
lection of the letters of many of the sovereigns of England ; a source
from which Miss Agnes Strickland and other historical writers have
drawn much material.

Lambeth Palace Library is open to the public upon three days of
the week — Monday, Wednesday and Friday — from ten till three o'clock.
It is closed for six weeks following the first of September, and also
during the week after Christmas Day, and the week after Easter
Sunday. Extracts from the manuscripts or printed books can be made
freely. When however a copy of an entire manuscript or printed book
is desired, the consent of the Archbishop must be obtained. Permission
is given to draw or trace from miniatures and illuminated manuscripts,
on submission of the applicant's name to the Archbishop. Provision is
also made for the lending out of manuscripts upon certain conditions
manifestly reasonable. The librarian, S. W. Kershaw, Esq., M. A.,
expressed to the writer a strong desire that the value of this collection
might be better known to Americans ; and nowhere would the visitor

A MONTH AMONG THE RECORDS IN LONDON 333

meet with a more cordial reception than in this quaint mediaeval palace,
the residence of the Primate of all England.

Indeed, of all the historical collections that have been here noticed,
it is not too much to say, that nothing could exceed the liberality with
which they are made accessible and serviceable to the foreigner as to the
home-born student. With no credentials save the evidence of an honest
and an intelligent desire for knowledge, the stranger is insured a welcome
which will perhaps dispel some preconceived ideas of English reserve
and exclusiveness. An American, he will find occasion to congratulate
himself that by virtue of a common language, as well as by many com-
mon traditions and principles, he is warranted in holding the monuments
of English history as objects of personal interest and veneration.

CHARLES W. BAIRD

1 Our Public Records ; a brief Hand-book to the National Archives. By Alex. Charles Ewald,
F. S. A. London : Pickering, 1873, p. 30.

2 Our Public Records, etc., p. 31.

3 For many of the particulars here given, as well as for much aid in personal researches, the
writer has been indebted to Walford D. Selby, Esq., of the Public Record Office.

4 Catalogue of Record Publications, etc., Public Record Office, January, 1878.

5 Hand-book to the Public Records, by F. S. Thomas, Esq. , Secretary of the Public Record
Office, London, 1853.

6 Thirty-eighth Annual Report of the Registrar-General of Births, Deaths and Marriages in
England, (Abstracts for 1875,) 18th June, 1877.

7 Lists of Non-Parochial Registers and Records in the custody of the Registrar-General of
Births, Deaths, and Marriages. London, 1859.

8 Upon a written application to Sir George Graham, the Registrar-General, I was promptly
admitted to make this examination, and was referred to one of the officers, John Shoveller, Esq.,
to whom I am indebted for most efficient and kindly aid.

9 Catalogue of Works of Art, etc., exhibited at the opening of the new Library and Museum
of the Corporation of London, November, 1872. Introduction.

10 An application however to the Secretary of the Society, the Reverend YV. T. Bullock, for
permission to examine the Society's early Letter Books, was most courteously entertained, and
every facility was accorded to me for the examination.

EARLY SPANISH AND PORTUGUESE COINAGE IN

AMERICA

When the Spaniards first reached the Antilles no currency of any
kind was in use there. The discoverers, as they settled the Islands, used
as a currency the native gold (tepuzque) in the form of ingots and plates
stamped with marks denoting their value. These contained much
natural or added alloy, and circulated in Hispaniola at the rate of 44
maravedis to the real or dollar, while in Spain the official value of the
real was 34 mars. Many complaints of the debased value of this St.
Domingo currency are to be found in the documents of the time, even
after the period when Don Antonio de Mendoza, Governor of Mexico,
introduced a regular coinage of silver.

Small importations of Spanish silver and copper were occasionally
made, but did not supply the demand. No mention is made of Spanish
gold pieces being much used, and the large sums spoken of in the early
histories must be understood as represented by the stamped ingots or
by rough gold. Herrera states that up to 15 10 no gold (meaning coins)
was current in Santo Domingo, the capital of the West Indies. He
says that counterfeits of castelldnos de oro and ducados were circulating.
The chief coin was the real of silver and other currency sent from
Spain.

In 1521, Herrera says that gold and silver coin were sent to Panama,
and in 1523 to Mexico. In Panama flat gold pieces called cut money
had been in use. In 1528, a petition from Cuba recites that the gold in
circulation varied in fineness from 19 carats down, but that it might be
stamped as worth 450 maravedis to the Peso de oro and asks that

200 (blank on doc.) of money in reales and cuartos may be sent

from Spain. Docs. Ined. Am. y Oc. 1869, XII, 16.

In Mexico and its dependencies, as also in Yucatan and Guatemala,
the bean of several species of the cacao had been used as currency. 1 The
growing of this small tree was reserved as a prerogative of the chiefs.
Columbus, on his fourth voyage, in 1502, met large trading canoes at the
Guanasa (Roatan) Islands, north of Honduras, which had " many of
those almonds that are used as money in New Spain." Fern. Colon.

EARLY COINAGE IN AMERICA 335

Vita. Cap. 89. Herrera. I. V. 5. In Mexico it was called cacabuatl, and
four kinds were in circulation. Even with this currency, deception was
practised by filling old beans with clay !

24,000 granos were called a carga. The ?iative tiame is lost.
8,000 " made one xiquipilli.
400 " " zontle.

20 " unit, which must have also had a native name.

An ordinance of 1527 forbid cacao being passed by the count, but in
heaped measures sealed by the city. This was so repugnant to ancient
custom that in 1536 the old system was restored.

All the business of this great semi-civilized Empire had from time
immemorial been transacted chiefly by means of this currency. Curiously
enough the Mexicans had no method of weighing, while the Peruvians
used very accurate scales, but had no particular currency. In Guate-
mala the cacao tree was called Zicarfa and Zapote. It has 25 or 30
almonds in each bean. Among the Spaniards 200 beans were counted
as equal to one real. Peter Martyr, in his Fifth and Eighth Decades,
praises this perishable currency which no miser could lay up, and which
could also be used as a beverage. The chiefs could also control the
volume of the currency, for if not soon consumed it moulded and
decayed. Humboldt, Nouv. Esp. p. 437, says that when he was in
Mexico the people still used cacao seeds as a sub-division of the medio
real, counting it as seventy-two seeds to the half real.

There appears to have been a metallic currency in use in certain
provinces of Mexico before the Spanish conquest. In the dispatch from
Cortes to the Emperor, dated from Mexico, October 15th, 1524, while
speaking of his search for tin in order to cast bronze guns, mention is
made of it as found in the Province of Taxco, twenty-six leagues from
the capital. It was met with here in small pieces, which were used as
money, as also in some other provinces. Humboldt quotes this curious
fact as stated by Cortes, in his Essai Politique sur le Royaume de la
Nouvelle Espagne, 181 1, page 486. He says that pieces of copper in
the form of the letter T were also used as currency in some provinces.

Cogolludo in his History of Yucatan, published in 1688, page 181,
speaks of money used anciently by the natives. Besides cacao beans,
small bells and hawks bells of copper, and of various sizes were used.
Colored conch shells from other countries, strung like beads on a rosary,
and some precious stones, served also in traffic. Small copper hatchets
coming from Mexico, formed also an article of exchange. These last

336 EARLY COINAGE IN AMERICA

were probably like the one figured in Dupaix's Antiquites Mexicaines,
plate XXVI, No. 74, which is formed like a shoemaker's cutter, and served
as a skin scraper. See also Herrera, I. V. 5.

Golddust enclosed in transparent quills, and woven cotton called
patol-cuachtli, were also used as currency in Mexico. Brasseur de Bour-
bourg, Hist, des Nations Civilise'es du Mexique, Vol. III., 1858, p. 427,
mentions all the articles used by the Mexicans as currency. He says
that the cacao used as money was called patlachte' or pataste from patla,
exchange.

After Cortes had settled himself in Mexico, the Spaniards felt the
want of a metallic currency, and Herrera says that he issued one in
1522, but without stating its nature. In 1525, when the Licentiate Luis
Ponce de Leon was appointed Resident Judge in Mexico, he took with
him dies with which to stamp upon the gold and silver that was sent to
Spain, the device of his Majesty, Plus Ultra. He was directed to see if
it were proper to establish a mint in the City of Mexico.

Apparently no mint was then set up, for in 1528 an order was sent
from Spain to establish one, which should coin gold, silver and vellon
(bullion), in Mexico. In the same year an enquiry was ordered to be
made as to the necessity for a mint in Espafiola, which was accordingly
ordered in 1530, but not finally established until 1536. In 1535 orders
were sent to the Vice-Roy D. Antonio de Mendoza again, to start a mint
for silver and vellon, under the same regulations and with the same
standard values for the pieces as were in force in Spain. This order
was carried out, and at first silver and copper coins were issued with
more or less regularity.

Torquemada, in his Monarchia Indiana, Vol. I. p. 614, gives a rather
confused account of the successive coinages in Mexico. He describes
the ingots, quoit shaped plates and gold dust, used in exchanges, and how
the Indians, unable to weigh or determine the value of the metal, were
defrauded. Copper coins were then struck of four types, cuartos, half-
cuartos, four and two maravedis, but the date of their issue is not given.
The author says that this coinage was similiar to one in use in Spain
and in the Island of San Domingo. The Mexican copper coins were so
distasteful to the natives that no ordinance could keep them in circula-
tion, and they were tossed into the lake ; two hundred thousand pesos
worth of copper being thus lost in one year. That so much copper
should have been coined is improbable.

The next coinage, probably the one of 1535, is said by Torquemada
to have been of silver, in pieces called Cuartillos de Real, which must

EARLY COINAGE IN AMERICA 337

have been pesetas or quarters of a dollar. As the natives had used silver
as soles for their sandals, they despised this coinage also, which he says
was succeeded by one of Reales de a quatro or Tostones, and then by
Reales de a ocho or pesos, that became the general medium of exchange
and supplanted the old native money.

We now proceed to quote such documentary evidence as can be
found relating to the earliest American mints, though more no doubt
will in time be presented, when the Archives of the Indies in Seville
shall have been more thoroughly explored.

A letter from Mendoza to the king dated Mexico, Dec. 10, 1537, is
given in the Docs. Ined. Vol. II. 1864, p. 193, a translation of the same
having appeared in Ternaux's collection in 1840, Vol. XVI. p. 229,
which is of interest as relating to the establishment of the first mint in
Mexico.* Regulations issued by royal order for the government of the
mint are here alluded to. All gold and silver brought to it was to pay
the royal quint, under penalty of death. After speaking of some sug-
gested changes, he states that Francisco del Rincon, on the king's rec-
ommendation had been appointed assayer, and that Anton de Vides
had been appointed engraver. He says that the mint had been for
nearly two years established in the village of Axiquipilco, which was
made tributary to the mint, and that the workmen after many trials are
now beginning to produce fair work. He closes this part of his despatch
with the remark that two or three weeks before false testoons had been
brought to him, apparently made by the native goldsmiths, showing how
skillful these must have been. He says that even the cacao beans were
tampered with and closely imitated.

In Espaiiola, as we have seen, a mint was ordered to be established
at Santo Domingo in 1536. Allusion is made to a perhaps earlier copper
coinage from metal found in Cotui, sixteen leagues from the city, in a
paper written about 1561. The Licentiate Echagoian speaks of coins
having been made there in his time from the said copper, but at the
time of his writing the coinage seems to have ceased. Comp. Docs.
Ined's. Am. y Oc. Vol. I. 1864, p. 15. The Licentiate Salmeron, in a
letter to the Council of the Indies, dated August 13, 1 53 1 , complains of
the want of fractional currency. Ternaux. XVI. 191. We find a peti-
tion from the Auditors in 1540, to be allowed to coin plata y vellon, the
reals to be of 44 maravedis. Same Docs. I. p. 580. They had been
reprehended in 1538 for coining maravedis of 44 to the real. In 1538
the Emperor had decreed that the reals to be coined should be of 34
maravedis, but no one would bring silver to the mint to be coined at

338 EARLY COINAGE IN AMERICA

that rate. At that time it was estimated that 50,000 ducats worth of
the base reals were in circulation. Ibid. pp. 546, 558. Where had these
reals been coined ? Probably the mint has coined these pieces, for in
those days royal decrees were difficult to enforce where it was the
interest of all to disobey them. We find complaints of the mala moneda
of Espanola as late as 1565, in the same series of documents, Vol. XI.
1869, p. 119. The City of La Concepcion petitions for the privilege of
coining gold and silver in 1540, stating that silver was coming from
Yucatan. Same Ser. I. p. 463.

Alonso de Zurita, whose MS. account of the people of New Spain
was written not long before 1560, speaks of the scarcity of silver coin
in the country. He says that the mint was coining less than it did at
first, that most of it was carried out of the country, and that the natives
who were obliged to pay their taxes in silver pieces had the greatest
difficulty in obtaining them. See translation by Ternaux-Compans, p. 345.

Before describing the first pieces supposed to have been coined in
America, it may be well to notice the silver coins of Spain which were
in circulation at the beginning of the sixteenth century. The first large
Spanish silver pieces were issued under Ferdinand and Isabella between
the years 1492 and 1506, and bear no date. They were called Reales,
pesos de ocho, or Seville pieces of eight, because they contained eight
ochavos and were coined at Seville. They weigh 2,800 centigrammes
or 432 grains troy weight, and are 931 thousandths fine, but these pieces
are now very rare. They are described by Alois Heiss in Vol. I. of
his Monedas Hispano Cristianas. Silver pieces, of half, a quarter and
one-eighth of a real, were also coined. Heiss says that these were the
" first Pesos (of silver) coined in Spain, and that their intrinsic value,
(fineness ?) has varied but little up to the present day. Under the name
of Pesos duros, Pesos fuertes, Dollars, Piastras, they have become a uni-
versal coin, and served as the almost exclusive coin of America; were
preferred in Africa, Oceanica, China, the Indian Archipelago and even in
Persia, Greece and the Ionian Islands." Heiss omits the name gordos
and gourdes, meaning large or heavy, by which they were known in
Spain and France quite recently. This piece was to be equal to 34
maravedis, the medio to 17 maravedis, the cuarto 8 ms. and 1 blanca, the
ochavo a square piece, 4 ms. and a half blanca. Sixty-seven of these
Reales were coined from a marc of silver of the above fineness. Of vellon
or copper with seven grains of silver to the marc, there were coined 192
blancas to the marc, worth a half a maravedis each.

EARLY COINAGE IN AMERICA 339

The purchasing power of gold about the time of the discovery of
America was about four, and of silver about six times greater than it is
now, according to Clemencin. The proportional value of silver to gold
was therefore as iof to 1. The great production of silver from Peruvian
and Mexican mines soon made the proportion greater, until it became
15 to 1, and now it is even greater than 16 to 1.

J. C. BREVOORT

* This document is to be found also in the late Buckingham Smith's Coleccion de Varios
Documentos para la Hist, de la Florida, Tom. I, 1S57, page 127. This is the only Volume
published.

CHRISTOPHER COLLES

THE FIRST PROJECTOR OF INLAND NAVIGATION IN AMERICA

To no single individual is the system of American improvements
more indebted than to Christopher Colles, yet up to this time no careful
biography of him has been written. In 1855 that genial New Yorker,
Dr. Francis, contributed a pleasing sketch of him to the Knickerbocker
Gallery, from which the main personal features of the present notice are
reproduced in the hope that they may elicit a more complete account of
this remarkable man, and of the incidents of his varied, chequered and
interesting career. The same year Charles King, in his history of the
New York Chamber of Commerce, drew attention to his early design
of opening an intercourse with the interior parts of the United States
by an artificial inland navigation, and in 1869 the Historical Magazine
published an elaborate paper from the pen of the industrious and inde-
fatigable friend of the telegraph, Henry O. Reilly, entitled " Christopher
Colles and the first proposal of a telegraph system in the United
States."

Christopher Colles was born in Ireland in the year 1738. Left an
orphan at an early age he passed into the charge of Richard Pococke,
the famous oriental traveler, later Bishop of Ossory. Under his tuition,
advice or example, Colles seems to have acquired an education of
unusually varied character. Upon the death of Pococke in 1765, Colles
started upon his wanderings. He first appears in this country, on the
warrant of Watson in his annals of New York, as delivering public
lectures in Philadelphia in 1772 upon pneumatics, illustrated by
experiments in an air pump of his invention. He is said also to have
been the first in this country to undertake the building of a steam engine,
for a distillery in that city, but failed for want of means, although
his plans secured the approval of David Rittenhouse and the Philoso-
phical Society. In 1773 he lectured at the Exchange, in New York, on
the advantages of lock navigation. The inestimable benefits of this mode
of transportation had been but recently demonstrated by the opening by
the Duke of Bridgewater in 1761 of the first navigable canal constructed
in Great Britain. The colonists of course were alive to any schemes
of improvement which affected the welfare of the mother country.

There are now preserved in the collection of the Library Company

CHRISTOPHER COLLES 34 1

of Philadelphia two broadsides, the one dated December 13, 1 771, entitled
" Address to Merchants, etc., of Philadelphia in favor of a Delaware and
Chesapeake Canal," the other dated January 15, 1772, entitled "Address
to the Public on the feasibility of a Delaware and Chesapeake Canal,"
the author of which is not now known, but it is a fair presumption that
they were from the pen of Colles.

In 1774 he is found in New York, where he proposed the erection of
a reservoir and the laying- down of a system of conduit pipes. With
the aid of the corporation of the city a steam pumping engine was
erected near the Collect pond. This enterprise was completed in March,
1776. The engine carried a pump, eleven inches in diameter and six feet
stroke, which lifted 417,600 gallons daily. The war caused an abandon-
ment of this plan. When later, the Manhattan Company was chartered
to supply the city with water, it is claimed that the original proposal to
look without its limits for a supply came from Colles, although the
written recommendation to the Common Council to use the Bronx
river, was actually made by Dr. Brown.

On the breaking out of hostilities he turned with his fertility of
resource to a military enterprise, giving lectures on gunnery and
teaching the American artillery the principles of projectiles, in which
employment, his biographer in Appleton's Encyclopasdia says, he was
continued until this branch of the service was remodelled on the arrival
of Steuben in 1777.

Immediately on the close of the war he again devoted his attention
to his favorite project of internal improvement. On the 6th of Novem-
ber, 1784, he addressed a memorial to the two houses of the New York
Legislature, proposing a plan for inland navigation on the Mohawk
River. It was referred to a committee of which Mr. Adgate of Albany
was chairman, who on the 6th of the same month reported that while
these laudable proposals merited encouragement, " it would be inex-
pedient for the legislature to cause that business to be undertaken at
public expense." They added that "as the performing such a work will
be very expensive, it is therefore the opinion of the committee that if
Mr. Colles with a number of adventurers (as by him proposed) should
undertake it, they ought to be encouraged by a law ; giving and securing
unto them, their heirs and assigns forever, the profits that may arise by
the transportation, under such restrictions and regulations as shall
appear to the Legislature necessary for that purpose, and authorizing
them to execute that work through any lands or improvements on pay-
ment of the damages to the proprietors, as the same shall be assessed

342 CHRISTOPHER COLLES

by a jury." This being agreed to by the House, a petition was also laid
before the Senate on the 8th, and referred to a committee of which Mr.
Lewis Morris was Chairman.

On the 30th March, 1785, Mr. Colles made a petition for aid in pre-
liminary surveys, upon which Mr. P. W. Yates, of Albany, on the
5th of April following, for the committee to which it was referred,
reported that the removal of the obstructions in the Mohawk river
would be productive of the most beneficial consequences to the State ;
that the undertaking of the memorialist ought to meet with every
possible encouragement, and recommended the advance of fifty pounds
in order to enable " Mr. Colles to make an essay," and that a draft there-
from be laid before the Legislature at their next meeting to enable them
to determine whether the undertaking be practicable or not.

The first fruits of this money grant, insignificant as it may seem, was
the issue of a pamphlet proposing a plan for the settlement of the " New
York Western Lands, and the improvement of the inland navigation
between Albany and Oswego." A company was to be formed with a
capital of thirteen thousand pounds to improve the navigation, in com-
pensation for which a right to buy tracts was to be accorded. The
Legislature to grant to the company 250,000 acres of the waste and
unappropriated lands, to be occupied by them within three years with
500 settlers, or to be paid for at a stipulated rate. In this pamphlet Colles
called attention to the fact that the five great lakes, which would be thus
communicated with, " have five times as much coast as all England, and
the country watered by the numerous rivers which fall into these lakes
is full seven times as great as that valuable island."

Mr. Colles solicited the support of the Chamber of Commerce of
New York the 6th January, of the following year. The text of this
interesting document is now for the first time given in full from the
minutes of this corporation.

" To the Honorable the Chamber of Commerce of the City of New
York, the humble Memorial of Christopher Colles respectfully showeth ;
That the design of your useful institution being profoundly for the pro-
motion of commerce, every other design having the like purpose in
view must consequently come under your immediate cognisance.

" Your memorialist therefore thinks it highly expedient to communi-
cate to you a design which he has formed of opening an intercourse
with the interior parts of these United States, by an artificial inland
navigation along the Mohawk River and Wood Creek to the Great
Lakes. A design which must evidently extend the commerce of this

CHRISTOPHER COLLES 343

city with exceeding rapidity, beyond what it can possibly arrive at
by any other means ; A design which Providence has manifestly pointed
out, and which in the hands of a Commercial People must evidently tend
to make them great and powerful, and which though indefinite in its
advantages may be effected for a sum perfectly trifling, when compared
with these advantages.

" Your memorialist begs leave to inform them that he has laid the
said design before the Honorable the Legislature of this State ; that they
have Resolved, that it deserves every possible assistance, and accordingly
granted him assistance to make surveys, and to determine the practi-
cability of the accomplishment thereof ; That agreeable thereto, he has
examined the principal obstructions in the navigation at the Cohoes, the
Little Falls and Fort Schuyler, and assures them that it gives him the
highest satisfaction to find that no considerable difficulty lies in the way
of the prosecution thereof ; That he has been at considerable pains in
procuring the names of a number of respectable gentlemen as subscribers
for carrying this design into execution, and is of opinion that the
Chamber of Commerce becoming engaged in the said subscription will
have considerable weight in promoting the said design.

" May it therefore please your respectable body to take the premises
into consideration, and give such countenance to the same as to your
judgment shall seem meet. Christopher Colles."

To this the President was directed to inform Mr. Colles in reply,
" that the Chamber entertained the highest ideas of the utility of his
scheme, wishing it may meet with every possible success, but in their
incorporated capacity, owing to the lowness of their funds, it was out of
their power to lend him any aid."

With this endorsement of his views Mr. Colles again approached
the Legislature on the 1st February with a report on the practica-
bility of rendering the Mohawk River navigable, which was r